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THE HISTORY OF THE 



FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH OF BOSTON 




Present Meeting-house 
Commonwealth Avenue. 1882. 



THE HISTORY 



OF THE 



First Baptist Church 



OF 



BOSTON 

(1665-1899) 



NATHAN EJ^WOOD 

If 

Its (Minister 



PHILADELPHIA 

AMERICAN BAPTIST PUBLICATION SOCIETY 
1899 



^^ 



Copyright 1899 by 
Nathan E. Wood 






jfrom tbe ffiress of tbe 
Hmevican baptist ipublication Society 



FORESTATEMENT 



No extended history of the First Baptist Church of 
Boston has before been written. A few historical dis- 
courses have been printed and preserved, but in the 
nature of the case, their sources of information have 
been meagre, and their value has not been very great. 
The two discourses delivered by Rev. J. M. Winchell, 
in 1816, have the merit of a reasonable degree of ac- 
curacy, but their limits as history are narrow. It is 
surprising that a complete narration has not before 
been undertaken. The church has made a history 
unsurpassed in interest by any other Baptist church 
in the new world. Its metropolitan position and its 
antiquity have made it a conspicuous and an efficient 
actor in many of the most stirring scenes, not only in 
colonial, but in our whole American life. For many 
years it resisted alone the whole despotic power of 
New England Puritanism, and insisted upon the right 
to live and to enjoy freedom under a British flag and 
in a British colony. Its story of sufferings has not 
before been told so fully as in this volume ; nor has 
the account of its final victory and its long-continued 
usefulness had careful narration hitherto. Its identi- 
fication with the struggle for religious liberty is a 
proud title to a place in the annals of our country. 
Its history abundantly attests the providential care of 
God, and gives illustrious proof that the truth of God 



VI 

will prevail. Long proscribed and ostracised and 
persecuted, it has at length come to sit down with 
honor even in the gates of its sometime enemies. Its 
vicissitudes since 1665, when it was founded, have 
been many, but its light has never for a moment 
gone out. 

It is the only Baptist church in America whose 
records of the seventeenth century have been pre- 
served. The First Baptist Church in Providence, 
founded in 1639, has no records preserved previous to 
1775. The First Baptist Church in Newport, founded 
prior to 1644, has no records preserved previous to 
1725. The First Baptist Church in Swansea, founded 
in 1663, has no records preserved previous to 1718. 
These are the only Baptist churches whose founding 
antedates the First Church in Boston, which has its 
records preserved from its founding in 1665 until the 
present time. It has also much collateral material in 
its archives. It has the records of its pew proprietors 
and of its standing committee since 1771. It has the 
records of its Sunday-school since 181 6. 

Every known source of information has been used 
to throw light on our early history. The author was 
especially fortunate in discovering a mass of original 
material (although unclassified) in the vaults of the 
Old Middlesex Court House, which give vivid exhi- 
bition of the time of persecution, and make live over 
again before us the sufferings, the endurance, and the 
faith of many almost forgotten Christian souls. The 
history of the struggle for religious liberty in the 
new world cannot be written nor understood without 
a knowledge of this church. It pioneered and blazed 



Vll 

the way for that priceless privilege. It has been 
blessed with men and women who have been notable 
leaders in every good cause. It is a monument of a 
divinely guided past, and remains to-day a spiritually 
living organization with a wide and consecrated in- 
fluence for good in the kingdom of God. 

Nathan E. Wood. 

Study, First Baptist Church, 
Boston, May, 1899. 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

CHAPTER I 
Preparations. Forerunners i 

CHAPTER II 
Henry Dunster and Thomas Goold 23 

CHAPTER III 
Discipline of Thomas Goold 37 

CHAPTER IV 
Organization of the Church. Confession of Faith . . 53 

CHAPTER V 
Dissent. Disputation. Worship. Removal 73 

CHAPTER VI 

Persecutions. The Russells 97 

CHAPTER VII 
Deaths of Goold and Russell. New Meeting-house . .119 

CHAPTER VIII 
John Russell's Narrative 145 

CHAPTER IX 
Church at Kittery. King's Chapel. Elisha Callender . 175 

CHAPTER X 
Prosperity. Planting of New Interests. Singing . .199 

CHAPTER XI 
Mr. Condy. Whitfield Revival. Second Baptist 
Church. Samuel Stillman. Brown University. 

Warren Association 231 

ix 



X 



CHAPTER XII 



New Meeting-house. The Revolution. Education 
Society 259 

CHAPTER XIII 
Missionary Organizations. Great Revival. Clay. Win- 
chell. wayland. mass. state convention. newton 
Theological Institution 287 

CHAPTER XIV 
New Meeting-house. Hague. Neale. Great Revival. 
Somerset Street. Union with Shawmut Avenue. Com- 
monwealth Avenue Meeting-house. Crane. Moxom. 
Wood 323 

CHAPTER XV 
The Sunday-school 351 

CHAPTER XVI 
Miscellaneous. Pastors. Deacons. Bequests .... 365 



CHAPTER I 
Preparations. Forerunners. 



The founders of the colony of Massachusetts Bay 
purposed to plant on these shores of the new world a 
theocracy which should be subject to such modifica- 
tions only as their loyalty to the British sovereign 
compelled. Evidently they desired the smallest pos- 
sible amount of constraint put upon them by royal 
authority. The Hebrew theocracy seems to have 
been pre-eminently in their minds the model for their 
own newly organized society. The exactions of the 
Mosaic statutes seemed to them to furnish a clearer 
guarantee of security and strength in the State than 
did the freedom of the Gospels. The Church and the 
State were to be a happy unity in which each inter- 
penetrated the other, and the earthly boundaries of 
which should be conterminous. The first Puritan set- 
tlers had been gathered on the general principle of 
similarity of political and theological views, and in 
the earliest days of the colony it was not difficult, 
through the willing conformity of its members, to 
preserve an outward unity. There were few, and pos- 
sibly no, dissentients from their scheme of a united 
Church and State. 

The mother country through many years had been 
in such a state of ferment, that in spite of persecution, 
or perhaps because of persecution, men of every shade 
of theological opinion abounded within her borders. 
When, therefore, adventurous colonists from Old Eng- 

3 



land began to multiply in New England, the good 
ships which brought them brought also theii dissen- 
tient theologies. Many who had experienced the 
tyranny of the Established Church in the old home, 
grew restive under the restrictions of an established 
church, though of the Puritan order, in the new home. 
They seemed to have expatriated themselves in vain, 
for they had only exchanged the tyranny of one estab- 
tablishment for that of another. The Puritans were 
themselves dissenters. It would have been strange, 
indeed, if there had not also been dissenters from the 
Puritans. Moreover, the novel conditions of the new 
world, with the freedom of its wide wildernesses and 
the escape from many of the restraints of an old and 
ordered society, were sure to furnish the fertile seed 
plots of independent thought and action. It was a 
strangely futile dream in which our Puritan fore- 
fathers walked, when they fancied that they could 
shut out the spirit of dissent from the colony of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay, when that spirit had always been one 
of the most imperious and marked inheritances of 
men of English blood. Nowhere were the conditions 
more favorable for its development. 

Boston was settled and named sometime in the 
summer of 1630. In about six months thereafter 
(Feb., 1631) the good ship Lion, heavily laden with 
provisions, arrived off Nantasket. It had been a time 
of want, almost of famine, and the day appointed for 
humiliation and prayer was turned into rejoicing and 
thanksgiving by this timely relief. But on board 
this ship was a passenger who was to prove almost as 
troublesome to the new colony as famine. Mr. Roger 



Williams, whom Governor Winthrop at that time 
called " a godly minister," was with his newly mar- 
ried wife among the passengers. He was a man who 
could not be bent to the will of the ecclesiastical 
oligarchy which had already assumed authority in 
matters both spiritual and political. Dissent had 
come early to the new world and had come to stay. 
He was at first welcomed eagerly and was "unan- 
imously chosen teacher at Boston " of the church. 1 
He refused the invitation, declaring that " the civil 
magistrates had no right to punish any breach of the 
first four tables or commandments of the Decalogue." 
This was the entering wedge between Church and 
State. 

He was soon called to Salem and accepted the 
office of teacher in that church, in spite of earnest 
protests from the Boston magistrates against it, on 
the ground of his divisive teaching. The little frame 
church in which he preached may still be seen in 
Salem. It has been carefully preserved, and is one 
of the many American shrines to which the pilgrims 
who love liberty resort. Its simplicity and diminu- 
tiveness are pathetic illustrations of the " day of small 
things." His views soon became the source of bound- 
less trouble to the colonial Court and church, and they 
did not cease threat, expostulation, and agitation un- 
til they had driven him from his place. In August, 
163 1, he went to Plymouth, where he became assist- 
ant to the pastor for about two years. There he 
found a generous tolerance. But the Salem Church, 
which seemed to be sincerely attached to him, en- 

1 Palfrey, " History of New England," Vol. I., p. 406. Note. 



treated him to return to them, which he did, and they 
retained him until 1635, when he was again and 
finally banished from the colony because of his "erro- 
neous and very dangerous opinions." He fled in the 
dead of winter to Plymouth and thence to Narragan- 
sett Bay, where he founded the town wdiich he called 
Providence. 

In this new settlement there was to be complete 
religious toleration, both in teaching and in worship. 
He became a Baptist, and with eleven others founded 
the First Baptist Church in Providence, in March, 
1639. His "Anabaptist views" were already well 
known in Salem, and the news of his actual immer- 
sion in Providence, together with his establishment 
of a new church, made no small stir both in Salem 
and in Boston, where he had many sympathizers and 
adherents. 

The conditions were now ripe for the development 
of a Baptist schism. To meet this incipient dissent, 
and to deter any others from following in his steps, 
the General Court had already on March 3, 1636, 
ordered, 

That all persons are to take notice that this Court doth not, nor 
will hereafter, approve of any such companies of men as shall 
henceforth join in any pretended way of church fellowship, with- 
out they shall first acquaint the magistrates and the elders of the 
greater part of the churches in this jurisdiction with their inten- 
tions, and have their approbation therein. And further it is or- 
dered, that no person being a member of any such church which 
shall hereafter be gathered without the approbation of the magis- 
trates and the greater part of said churches, shall be admitted to 
the freedom of this commonwealth. 1 

1 " Mass. Records." 



Enforcement of this law was almost immediately re- 
quired. It was only three months after its promulga- 
tion that the " constable of Salem " was ordered to 
break up unauthorized assemblies of dissenters in the 
town where Mr. Roger Williams had so lately been 
the minister, and where the seeds of dissent which he 
had sown broadcast were already producing harvests. 

In 1638 Mr. Hansard Knollys came from London 
to Boston, but was refused permission to remain in 
the colony because of his " views of Anabaptisme." 
He was probably not at that time an avowed Baptist, 
although he held Baptist views. He fled to Piscat- 
aqua (since called Dover) in New Hampshire, and 
there gathered a dissenting congregation, to which he 
ministered until 1641, when he returned to England. 
He became an eminent Baptist pastor in London, 
where he spent the remainder of his useful life. It 
is not certainly known whether he became an acknowl- 
edged Baptist in Piscataqua, or whether it was after 
his return to London. It is known, however, that he 
preached the doctrines of Baptists in New Hampshire, 
and created there a new center of dissent and alarm 
to the authorities. 

In 1637 Mr. John Clarke, "a man of education and 
of property," arrived in Boston. He was a physician 
and at once began the practice of his profession. He 
soon became disgusted with the intolerant spirit 
manifested in the colony, and being an intense lover 
of liberty, decided to go elsewhere and found a colony 
on principles of broad toleration. He went first to 
New Hampshire with some friends of like spirit with 
himself, but finding the climate too rigorous for his 



8 

health finally went to Providence. Under the en- 
couragement of Mr. Roger Williams he decided to 
settle in Rhode Island, and in May, 1639, founded 
Newport. Sometime between 1639 an ^ ^44 he or- 
ganized a Baptist church in Newport, over which he 
presided as its distinguished minister until his death 
in 1676. 1 "This year (1639) William Wickenden, a 
Baptist preacher, moves from Salem to Providence." 2 
He had been a disseminator of Baptist doctrine in the 
region around Salem, and had undoubtedly received 
his initial impulse toward Baptists from Mr. Roger 
Williams. In 1642, 

The Lady Moody, a wise and amiable religious woman, being 
taken with the error of denying baptism to infants, was dealt 
withal by many of the elders and others, and admonished by the 
church at Salem (whereof she was), but persisting still, and to 
avoid further trouble, she removed to the Dutch, against the ad- 
vice of her friends. Many others infested with Anabaptisme, etc., 
removed thither also. She was after excommunicated. 3 

All those who removed to New York had doubtless 
been influenced toward their Baptist views by the 
teaching and example of Mr. Williams. In 1644 
Thomas Painter, of Hingham, became a Baptist, and 
" having a child born would not suffer his wife to carry 
it to be baptized. He was complained of for this to the 
Court, and enjoined by them to suffer his child to be 
baptized." He refused to obey the order, and told the 
Court that "it was an antichristian ordinance," where- 

1 The first preserved records of the Newport Church do not begin until 
1725, but it is known to have been formed before 1644. 

2 Felt, "Annals of Salem," Vol. II., p. 577. 

3 Winthrop's "Journal," Vol. II., p. 72. 



upon they tied him up and whipped him, " which he 
bore without flinching and declared he had divine 
help to support him," etc. 1 He was probably the 
first one of those who, on account of Baptist beliefs, 
suffered a public whipping in Massachusetts by order 
of the authorities. He removed afterward to New- 
port and united with the Baptist church there. His 
name is fifteenth on their list In February, 1644, 
William Witter, of Swampscott (then a part of Lynn), 
a neighbor of the Lady Moody, was arraigned before 
the Salem Court " for entertaining that the baptism 
of infants was sinful." He was found guilty and sen- 
tenced "to make public acknowledgment of his fault." 
This he would not do, and hence we find him before 
the Court in Salem again in 1645, "presented by the 
grand jury for saying that they who staid whilst a 
child is baptized do worship the devil." 2 Later he 
was cited to appear before the General Court in Boston 
" to be proceeded with according to the merit of his 
offense." All these proceedings had no deterrent ef- 
fect on this obstinate Baptist, nor the fact that at the 
same court John Wood was arraigned " for professing 
Anabaptist sentiments and withholding his children 
from baptism," and John Spur was bound over for 
similar reasons to pay a fine of twenty pounds. "The 
heresie of Anabaptisme " had evidently become wide- 
spread around Salem. In 1648 Edward Starbuck 
gave much trouble to the authorities in Dover, New 
Hampshire, because of " his profession of Anabap- 
tistry." 3 Those who had been punished for heresy 

1 "Mass. Records." 2 " Mass. Colonial Records," Vol. III., pp. 67, 68. 
3 Felt, "Ecclesiastical History of New England," Vol. II., p. 28. 



IO 

had suffered under no specific statute, but were con- 
demned without law and without trial. When Gov- 
ernor Winslow was called to an account for it by the 
home government, he acknowledged that the whip- 
ping had been done unlawfully, but justified himself 
on the ground that the sufferers had been evil-doers 
against the peace of the commonwealth. The General 
Court, in order that it might have cover of law for its 
severely repressive measures, enacted the following 
statute, November 13, 1644: 

Forasmuch as experience hath plentifully and often proved that 
since the first rising of the Anabaptists, about one hundred years 
since, they have been the incendiaries of the commonwealths, 
and the infectors of persons in main matters of religion, and the 
troublers of churches in all places where they have been, and that 
they who have held the baptizing of infants unlawful, have usually 
held other errors or heresies together therewith, though they have 
(as other heretics use to do) concealed the same till they spied out 
a fit advantage and opportunity to vent them, by way of question 
or scruple, and whereas divers of this kind have since our coming 
into New England appeared amongst ourselves, some whereof (as 
others before them) denied the ordinance of magistracy, and the 
lawfulness of making war, and others the lawfulness of magistrates, 
and their inspection into any breach of the first table : which 
opinions, if they should be connived at by us are like to be in- 
creased amongst us, and so must necessarily bring guilt upon us, 
infection and trouble to the churches, and hazard to the whole 
commonwealth : it is ordered and agreed, that if any person or 
persons, within this jurisdiction, shall either openly condemn or 
oppose the baptizing of infants, or go about secretly to seduce 
others from the approbation or use thereof, or shall purposely de- 
part the congregation at the ministration of the ordinances, or 
shall deny the ordinance of magistracy, or their lawful right and 
authority to make war, or to punish the outward breaches of the 
first table, and shall appear to the court willfully and obstinately to 



II 

continue therein after due time and means of conviction, every 
such person or persons shall be sentenced to banishment" 1 

This statute was certainly broad enough to allow 
punishment of any person whatsoever whom the 
Court might dislike and desire to drive out of the 
colony. The assumption that Baptists were " the 
incendiaries of commonwealths " was wholly gratui- 
tous. It is a fine illustration of hurling opprobrious 
epithets where the facts in proof are wholly want- 
ing. The gist of this statute was its penalty for dis- 
belief in infant baptism, which was always the real 
corner-stone on which was builded the union of 
Church and State. If this were destroyed, the whole 
structure of a theocratic commonwealth would fall in 
a hopeless ruin, and the churches of the established 
order would be left with but little growth and a di- 
minishing power. Here was the crucial question, and 
the battle was destined to rage around it through 
many long years before complete religious liberty 
was won and Church and State were severed. There 
were some who deplored the severity of the laws 
against dissent, and especially the cruelty of their ap- 
plication. There was occasionally agitation, although 
slight, for their repeal. In 1645, "upon a petition of 
divers persons for consideration of the law against 
Anabaptists, the Court voted that the law mentioned 
should not be altered at all, nor explained." 2 The 
General Court received the following petition, which 
was far more to its liking, signed by seventy-eight 
citizens of Roxbury and Dorchester : 

1 "Mass. Records." 2 "Colonial Records," Vol. II., p. 149. 



12 

It is therefore our humble petition to this honorable Court 
that such lawes or orders as are in force amongst us against Anabap- 
tists or other erroneous p-sons whereby to restraine the spreadinge 
and divulginge of their errors amongst ye people here may not be 
abrogated and taken away nor any waies weakened but may still 
continue in their force as now they are, that soe there may not be 
a dore open for such Dangerous errors to infest and spread in this 
Country as some doe desire. 13. 3. 46. l 

The General Court needed no urging, for its spirit 
was already relentless toward dissenters. The min- 
isters also were watchful to see that the bonds of in- 
tolerance were not in any way loosened, and that 
their own exclusive monopoly of religious teaching 
was carefully maintained. This protective duty upon 
religion made them guard all the boundaries of the 
colony lest some Baptists or Quakers should be smug- 
gled into their society, and the ecclesiastical establish- 
ment be secretly undermined. The General Court 
felt that Plymouth Colony was far too lenient in deal- 
ing with Baptists, and sought to stir it up to hostilities 
against them. As a result of this neighborly citation, 

John Hazell, Edward Smith and wife, Obadiah Holmes, Joseph 
Torry and wife, and the wife of James Mann, William Deuell and 
wife, Baptists of Rehoboth, are presented for continuing to meet 
from house to house on the Sabbath. The Court charged them 
to desist from their separation and neither to ordain officers, nor 
to baptize, nor to break bread together, nor to meet on the first 
days of the week. 2 

This was in 1649. Brit they would not promise, 
and insisted on following the dictates of their own con- 
science and their understanding of the word of God. 

1 "Mass. Archives," Vol. X., p. 211. 
2 Felt, "Ecclesiastical History of New England," Vol. II., p. 27. 



*3 

The General Court wrote again to Plymouth, Octo- 
ber 1 8, 1649 : 

Wee are credibly informed that your patient bearing with 
such men hath produced another effect, namely, the multiplying 
and encreasing of the same errors. Particularly wee understand 
that within this few weeks there hath binn at Sea Cuncke thirteen 
or fourteen persons rebaptized (a swift progres in one towne). 
The infection of such diseases being so neare us, are likely to 
spread into our jurisdiction. x 

Sea Cuncke (now Swansea and Rehoboth) had be- 
come, under the gentle tolerance of Plymouth Colony, 
a place where liberty in doctrinal belief was enjoyed, 
and was admirably fitted to become the home of the 
Baptist church which was first permanently estab- 
lished there in 1663. Rev. John Myles was the 
founder and first pastor of this church. He and some 
of his flock, weary of the persecution in Wales which 
ensued under the " Act of Uniformity " passed when 
Charles II. came to the throne, sought in the new 
world freedom of opinion and worship. This church 
in Swansea was in some sense a reorganization of the 
original church in Swansea, Wales, 2 but added to it- 
self members who were already residents of the re- 
gion, and who had held Baptist doctrines. The 
church grew rapidly, so that at the end of the first 
ten years it had more than two hundred members. 
These were the best and most influential years of its 
whole history, and furnished a source of lively dissent 
from the churches of the Standing Order. It was 

1 "Mass. Colonial Records," Vol. III., p. 173. 

2 Only two of the constituent members were from Wales, viz, Rev. 
John Myles and Nicholas Tanner. 



i4 

found that the church was located within the juris- 
diction of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, and per- 
secution soon followed. The members were fined, 
and were ordered to remove to some other place. 
They heeded the order and settled within the boun- 
daries of Rhode Island. Afterward they were granted 
a tract of land by Plymouth Colony, and settled in 
their present location, which they named Swansea. 
The church still exists, and has made an honorable 
history. On July 19, 1651, John Clarke, Obadiah 
Holmes, and John Crandall, "being the representa- 
tives of the Baptist church in Newport, upon the re- 
quest of William Witter, of Lynn, arrived there, he 
being a brother in the church, who, by reason of his 
advanced age, could not undertake so great a journey 
as to visit the church." l No man in colonial Rhode 
Island history was more influential, except Roger 
Williams, or of nobler and purer fame than Dr. John 
Clarke. He was a trusted adviser, a wise legislator, 
a learned man, a devout Christian, and a distinguished 
minister. Obadiah Holmes was granted land in 
Salem in 1639, an( ^ was admitted to the church there, 
March 24, 1640. Later in the same year he was pre- 
sented by the Grand Jury, " for reproachfully speak- 
ing against the ordinance of God " (baptism). In 
1646 he removed to Rehoboth. 2 Hence in going to 
Salem and Lynn he was returning to a former home, 
and to meet old neighbors and acquaintances. Of 
John Crandall little is known. William Witter, of 
Lynn, had been under discipline, and was finally cut 

1 Newport Church Papers. 
2 Felt, "Ecclesiastical History of New England," Vol. II., pp. 25-46. 



i5 

off from the Salem Church, June 24, 165 1, " for absent- 
ing himself from public ordinances nine months or 
more and for being rebaptized." * He had previously 
become a member of the Baptist church in Newport. 
This aged and blind brother had great joy when his 
pastor, John Clarke, and the other brethren from 
Newport, arrived at his home. On the following day 
(the Lord's Day), they proceeded to hold a simple serv- 
ice of preaching, and of the observance of the Lord's 
Supper. " Four or five strangers that came in unex- 
pected," were present also in his house, which for the 
time had become a sanctuary of worship. 

Mr. Witter had probably written to the church at Newport 
that there were persons in his vicinity who wished to be baptized. 
The church sent, not their pastor alone, but Holmes, also a 
preacher, and Crandall, a private member, that their number 
might give a church authority to all their acts. They baptized 
the candidates, one of whom may have been under admonition in 
a State Church for his Baptist opinions. The Supper was then 
celebrated and the newly baptized converts partook with Witter. 
This view, which is in perfect harmony with all the facts in the 
case, makes the administration of the Supper an orderly service, 
such as the strictest Baptist would approve. The Newport Church 
kept the ordinance at one of its outposts. 2 

While Mr. Clarke was expounding the Scriptures in 
the house to the little company there gathered, two 
constables came in with a warrant and arrested him 
and his Newport associates. They were " watched 
over that night (in the ordinary) as Theeves and Rob- 
bers" by the officers, and on the second day after they 

1 Felt, "Ecclesiastical History of New England," Vol. II., pp. 25-46. 
2 Dr. H. Lincoln, in "Examiner and Chronicle," Dec. 23, 1875. 



i6 

were lodged in the common jail in Boston (then in 
Prison Lane, now Court Street). July 31 they were 
brought to public trial in Boston. Governor Endicott 
charged them with being Anabaptists, to which Clarke 
made reply that he was " neither an Anabaptist, nor a 
Pedobaptist, nor a Catabaptist." At this reply, 

The Governor stepped up and told us we had denied infant bap- 
tism, and being somewhat transported, told me I had deserved 
death, and said he would not have such trash brought into his 
jurisdiction. Moreover he said, "You go up and down and se- 
cretly insinuate into those that are weak, but you cannot maintain 
it before our ministers. You may try and dispute with them." x 

To this Clarke was about to make reply that he 
would be pleased to reason upon these matters out of 
the Scriptures, when the jailer was ordered to take 
him forthwith to prison. Holmes says : 

What they laid to my charge you may here read in my sentence, 
upon the pronouncing of which, as I went from the bar, I ex- 
pressed myself in these words : I bless God I am counted worthy 
to suffer for the name of Jesus. Whereupon John Wilson 2 (their 
pastor, as they call him) struck me before the judgment seat, and 
cursed me saying, "The curse of God or Jesus go with thee." 3 

Clarke says : "In the forenoon we were examined ; 
in the afternoon, without producing either accuser, 
witness, or jury, law of God or man, we were sen- 
tenced." He was "fined twenty pounds, or to be well 
whipped." Crandall was "fined five pounds or to be 
well whipped." Holmes was "fined thirty pounds or 

1 Clarke, "Narrative." 

2 John Wilson was the first pastor of the First Parish Church of Boston 
(1630-1667). 

3 "Holmes' Narrative," Backus, Vol. I., p. 189. 



i7 

to be well whipped." From his prison cell Clarke 
wrote this letter, the original of which may be seen in 
"Massachusetts Archives," Vol. X., p. 212 : 

To the Hon d Court assembled at Boston. Whereas it pleased 
this Hon d Court yesterday to condemne the faith and order which 
I hold and practice and after you had past your sentence upon 
me for it wer pleased to expresse I could not maintaine the same 
against yo r ministers and thereupon publickly proffered me a dis- 
pute with them : be pleased by these few lines to understand I 
readily accept it and therefore doe desire you wold appoint the 
time when pr-son with whom, in that publick place whar I was 
condemned, I might with fredome and without molestation of the 
civill powre dispute that point publickly, when I doubt not but by 
the grace of Christ to make it good out of his last will and testa- 
ment unto which nothing is to be added nor from which nothing 
is to be diminished : Thus desiring the father of light to shine 
forth by his powre to expell y e darknes, 

from the prison I remaine yo r well wisher 

this 1. 6. 51. John Clarke. 

The governor, who at first had shown an inclina- 
tion to allow the points of disagreement to be publicly 
discussed with the ministers of the colony, and indeed 
had openly in court offered Clarke that privilege, 
afterward, at the instigation of the ministers them- 
selves, ignored his letter of acceptance of this proposal. 
From the prison Clarke sent these four propositions, 
which he ardently hoped to be permitted to discuss : 

First, ' ' The absolute Lordship of Jesus Christ in all matters of 
doctrine" ; secondly, "That baptism, or dipping in water, is one 
of the commandments of this Lord Jesus Christ, and that a visible 
believer or disciple of Christ Jesus (that is one that manifesteth 
repentance towards God, and faith in Jesus Christ) is the only per- 
son that is to be baptized, or dipped with that visible baptism, or 



dipping of Jesus Christ in water" ; thirdly, "That every believer 
may, in point of liberty, exhort, or preach, or prophesy ' ' ; fourthly, 
' ' That no believer hath right to persecute his brother for a matter 
of conscience." 

These were certainly lucid and explicit statements, 
and appeared reasonable matter of debate between the 
men in power and a man in prison. They were then 
and are now good Baptist doctrines. But the debate 
was not allowed. No notice was taken of his appeal 
nor of his statements. When it became noised abroad 
that there was to be a public debate, great interest and 
expectation were aroused. It was rumored that the 
distinguished John Cotton would be the disputant for 
the Court. Nothing came of it all. Probably the 
Court discreetly concluded that such a public discus- 
sion would advertise the " Baptist heresie " far and 
wide, and that still further mischief would ensue. 

Clarke and Crandall were not long after released 
" upon the payment of their fines by some tender- 
hearted friends without their consent and contrary to 
their judgment." But Holmes could not be persuaded 
to accept such deliverance. He would neither pay 
the fine, nor allow it to be paid, and was kept in 
prison until September, when he was brought forth 
and publicly whipped 

With a three coarded whip, giving me therewith thirty stroakes. 
As the man began to lay the stroakes upon my back, I said to the 
people, though my flesh should fail and my spirit should fail, yet 
my God would not fail. 

When he was released from the whipping-post he 
said to the magistrates, 



*9 

You have struck me as with roses. 1 Although the Lord hath 
made it easy to me yet I pray God it may not be laid to your 
charge. 2 

The whipping was so severe that Governor Jenckes 
says : 

Mr. Holmes was whipped thirty stripes, and in such an unmer- 
ciful manner, that in many days, if not some weeks, he could take 
no rest, but as he lay on his knees and elbows, not being able to 
suffer any part of his body to touch the bed whereon he lay. 

Morgan Edwards says : 

This was the first instance of tormenting for conscience' sake in 
New England, and that a Baptist was the protomartyr here as a 
Baptist was the first martyr that was burned in Old England. 

Two friends, of Baptist proclivities, but not yet 
avowed Baptists, who stood by the whipping-post, 
out of sheer sympathy with Holmes' sufferings ex- 
tended to him their hands, and one of them said, 
" Blessed be the Lord." This exhibition of compas- 
sion caused the magistrates to order them "to be fined 
forty shillings or to be well whipped." They were 
thrust into prison, but were at length released through 
the intervention of friends who paid their fines. One 
of these friends was John Spur, who was a member of 
the First Puritan Church of Boston. He was cut off 
June i, 1651, because he believed that their baptism, 

1 Dr. H. M. Dexter has sought to make it appear that this expression 
of Holmes indicates that the whipping was only a "play whipping," and 
not at all severe. It was done so gently as to make the sentence merely 
nominal. Such interpretations of history are altogether too partisan to 
gain any credence among fair-minded readers, even if there were not 
evidence to the contrary. The Puritans did not indulge in such levity. 
They were in earnest. 

2 "Rhode Island Hist. Coll.," Vol. VI., p. 332. 



20 

singing of psalms, and covenant, were " humaine in- 
ventions." 1 

All these things were done without trial by jury, 
or any trial whatever, but at the pleasure of the mag- 
istrates in consultation with the ministers. John 
Cotton in his sermon, before the Court gave its sen- 
tence against Clarke, Holmes, and Crandall, declared 
that "denying infant baptism would overthrow all, 
and this was a capital offence : and therefore they 
were soul murderers.' 12 

This whipping took place at the head of State 
Street in front of the meeting-house and of the old 
State House. The site of the former is now occupied 
by the Brazier Building. Boston has erected a monu- 
ment to the memory of those who fell in the "Boston 
massacre" of 1770, which occurred almost on the 
same spot. They fell in the assertion of the rights of 
freemen and in resistance to British tyranny over mu- 
nicipal and civil liberty. Will Boston ever erect a 
monument to Obadiah Holmes, whose blood flowed 
freely on the same ground in assertion of the rights 
of conscience, and in resistance to American tyranny 
over religious liberty? The sufferers in the massacre 
acted on the impulse of the mob and but dimly real- 
ized their part in the struggle for liberty. The suf- 
ferer at the whipping-post acted intelligently, delib- 
erately, and with clear knowledge of the significance 
of what he suffered. He was the truth-loving fore- 
runner of the martyrs whose patient sufferings even- 
tually saved New England from herself and from the 

1 Felt, "Ecclesiastical History of New England," Vol. II., p. 46. 
2 John Spur's "Testimony." 



21 

dire consqueences of her strange blindness concerning 
liberty. He was the first in a sadly long list of those 
who suffered in order that the New England intelli- 
gence and the New England conscience might assert 
themselves, and forever establish in the New World a 
civil and religious liberty which should be Christian 
and complete. 



CHAPTER II 
Henry Dunster and Thomas Goold. 



II 

Au, the repressive measures devised by the General 
Court, and the severity of the persecutions, only served 
to make Baptists more widely known and to create to- 
ward them an active sympathy. They were the per- 
suasive and fruitful preparation for the establishment 
of a Baptist church in Boston. It was one among the 
oft-repeated illustrations of history, that " the blood 
of the martyrs is the seed of the church." It was im- 
possible that men should not inquire what these peace- 
able and law-abiding citizens had done, and what 
doctrines they held, which should subject them to 
these indignities and sufferings. The spirit of in- 
quiry is always a dangerous antagonist of the spirit 
of tyranny, however sincere or devout the forms of 
that tyranny may appear. Men who had thought 
little or nothing about Baptists, now began to inquire 
about them and their doctrines. Inquiry made new 
converts and sympathizers. " The Baptist heresie " 
broke out in wholly unexpected and alarming quar- 
ters. 

Henry Duuster, the first president and practically 
the founder of Harvard College, was one of the most 
eminent and useful men in the New World. He was 
regarded as "a miracle of scholarship," and his mod- 
esty, amiability, and devoutness, were not less con- 
spicuous than his scholarship. He had devoted him- 
self with rare assiduity to the establishing of the 

25 



26 

infant college. He stood pre-eminent in that notable 
group of English university-bred men which adorned 
and guided the affairs of the colony during those 
early years. The admiration for him was almost 
boundless, while the grace and sweetness of his 
character made him almost equally well beloved. He 
was the rare man, who appears all too seldom, in 
whom lofty scholarship, noble character, profound 
unselfishness, and sweet humility are happily blended. 
He had become president of the college in 1640, and 
had united with the First Church in Cambridge. It 
would be difficult to overestimate the confidence and 
the pride which the whole colony felt in regard to 
President Dunster. 

In 1653 ne began to give public expression to his 
dissent from the scripturalness of infant baptism. The 
whipping of Holmes, two years earlier, had undoubt- 
edly arrested his attention, and aroused him to search 
the Scriptures. After some months of careful study, 
he plainly declared, "All instituted Gospel Worship 
hath some express word of Scripture, but Pedobap- 
tism hath none." l In February, 1654, he held for 
two days a public disputation with nine leading min- 
isters of the colony upon this thesis : Soli visibiliter 
fideles sunt baptizendi — Believers visibly only are to 
be baptized. All the arguments brought against him 
were fruitless toward changing his opinions. He in- 
sistently declared himself opposed to infant baptism, 
because it had no warrant of Scripture and urged the 
baptism of believers only. He soon gave a practical 
expression to his views by withholding his own child 

1 ''Dunster MSS.," p. 289. 



27 

from baptism. So conspicuous a defection from the 
Puritan doctrine, and so masterly an attack upon the 
key position of a theocratic State, aroused the leaders 
in Church and State as nothing previously had been 
able to do. Every effort was made to win him back, 
or at least to persuade him to remain silent. The 
appeal of personal affection was made to him. The 
danger to the colony and to the college was set before 
him. The ruin of his personal fortune and of his 
future usefulness was threatened. But all was in 
vain. He was immovable. He contended, " that 
the subjects of Baptisme were visible penitent believ- 
ers, and they only by Vertue of any rule, example, or 
any other light in the new testament." He had put 
nearly all his private property into the establishment 
of the college. He had given it at one time a hun- 
dred acres of land, and with almost no outside finan- 
cial assistance had built the president's house. For 
nearly fourteen years, he had given himself with rare 
and single devotion to its maintenance. His property 
was invested in it. His life was wrapped up in its 
work. His attitude toward infant baptism imperiled 
everything which he held dear except the truth. 
The Grand Jury sent a request to the ministers to 
formulate a suitable charge against him, which they 
did, and he was presented to the Court under indict- 
ment, " For disturbing the ordinance of infant baptism 
in the Cambridge Church." His reply was: 

But for the matter, I conceived then, and so do still, that I 
spoke the truth in the feare of God, and dare not deny the same or 
go from it untell the Lord otherwise teach me, and this I pray the 
Honored Court to take for mine Answer. 



28 

In^October, 1654, he was forced to resign the presi- 
dency, for as Cotton Mather says, " he had fallen into 
the briars of antipedobaptism," and his usefulness was 
deemed to be at an end. His defection from the 
standing order was a shock and grief to all the ad- 
herents of Puritanism, to such an extent as is impos- 
sible for us at this day to understand. He was or- 
dered to vacate his house, just as the severities of 
winter were coming on, but upon his humble peti- 
tion, and statement of the delicate health of his fam- 
ily, he was permitted to remain until spring. He 
then left his home an impoverished man, and scarcely 
knew which way to turn for employment among those 
who were now unfriendly to him. He removed at 
length out of the jurisdiction of the colony of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, and located in Scituate, which belonged 
to Plymouth Colony. There he preached to a little 
flock which he gathered about himself. But even there 
his enemies pursued him, for on April 7, 1657, the 
Grand Jury presented Henry Dunster to the Court at 
Cambridge, " for not bringing his child to the Holy 
Ordinance of baptisme." 1 When he " affirmed that 
none of them had given any demonstrative argument 
touching infant baptism," the Court, instead of giv- 
ing him a reasonable answer or refutation, " Sollemly, 
admonished him of his dangerous error," and ordered 
that he should give bonds for his appearance at the 
next Court of Assistants in Boston. It is probable 
that he was never brought to trial. He died in Scit- 
uate, February 27, 1659. His death allayed ecclesias- 
tical animosities, and 

1 "Middlesex Court Original Papers." 



29 

His body was solemnly interred at Cambridge, where he had 
spent the choice part of his studies and of his life, and might 
there have continued if he had been endowed with that wisdom 
which many others have wanted besides himself, to have kept his 
singular opinion to himself, when there was little occasion for 
venting thereof. 1 

Fortunately for New England and the world, Henry 
Dunster was no coward, and was endowed with the 
spiritual sagacity which foresees the triumph of the 
truth, and is ready to suffer in its behalf. He was, 
indeed, one of the earl}; New England martyrs. 

These sufferings for truth and conscience' sake evi- 
dently made a profound impression on the mind of 
Thomas Goold, of Charlestown, who was a close friend 
of the learned president. He also became disturbingly 
inquisitive on the subject of infant baptism. In 1655 
the elders of the Charlestown Church put Goold under 
admonition for not bringing his infant child to bap- 
tism, and when they sent him a note requesting his 
appearance before them to answer for his delinquency, 
Dunster was among the group of friends at his house 
who advised him what to do. It is evident that they 
were in close sympathy with each other before this 
time, and that Dunster's attitude and views were the 
direct cause of Goold's withholding his child from 
baptism. It may be said, therefore, with a large 
measure of truth, that Henry Dunster was the founder 
of the First Baptist Church of Boston, for he was the 
immediate forerunner and influential cause of the atti- 
tude of Thomas Goold, who finally became the actual 
founder of the church, in 1665. There can be no 

1 Hubbard, " History of New England." 



3o 

doubt that if Henry Dunster had lived until 1665 he 
would have become the first pastor of the church in- 
stead of Thomas Goold, his friend and disciple, and 
would have had the joy of seeing his views embodied 
in a church of baptized believers. 

This consummation was, for some unknown reason, 
delayed until six years after he had passed away. 
Probably the sternly intolerant spirit of the authori- 
ties made it seem impolitic that the group of Baptists 
should organize themselves formally into a church, 
but it is known that they met privately for simple 
worship some years before the final organization. It 
is perhaps idle to speculate upon what different results 
might have ensued if Dunster had lived to become 
founder and pastor of this church. He certainly was 
not without courage to brave persecutions. He might 
have attracted to himself many men of learning and 
influence, and have given the church such a stand- 
ing as to have precluded some of the fiery persecu- 
tions through which it afterward was called to pass. 
He found in his disciple, Thomas Goold, a man as 
inflexible in character as himself, and one wdiom the 
terrors of fines, imprisonments, and the loss of all 
things, had no power to frighten. In the simplicity 
and greatness of their characters they had much in 
common. Henry Dunster's name and memory will 
ever hold a cherished and fragrant place in the his- 
tory of the First Baptist Church. 

In 1720 the church wrote a letter to the Baptist 
churches in London, and gave some account of the 
rise of the church. The following is an extract from 
the letter, which has been preserved : 



3i 

It pleased the Lord, by his divine and wise-disposing providence 
to spirit a small number of men who were very gracious and en- 
lightened in the knowledge of his truth as it is in Jesus, and to 
appear for the vindication thereof, and to encourage them for their 
gathering into a church in the way and order of the gospel as above 
mentioned, which several wise and learned 1 men endeavored but 
could not accomplish it. However God was pleased to succeed 
the endeavors of our brethren who were not so accomplished with 
acquired parts and abilities by learning. 2 

What Dunster, the wise and learned, was not per- 
mitted to do, was accomplished by God's grace through 
Thomas Goold, who declares, 

We consulting together what to do, sought the Lord to direct us, 
and taking counsel of other friends who dwelt among us, who were 
able and godly, they gave us counsel to congregate ourselves to- 
gether : and so we did, being nine of us, to walk in the order of 
the gospel according to the rule of Christ, yet knowing that it was 
a breach of the law of this country : that we had not the approba- 
tion of magistrates and ministers, for that we suffered the penalty 
of that law, when we were called before them. 3 

Thomas Goold 4 was one of the leading freemen of 
Charlestown, and was a man of notable character and 
standing both in town and church. His business was 
that of a wagon maker. He was one of the leading 
property owners of the town. In a list of two hun- 
dred and twelve freemen, among whom in 1658 the 
public meadow lands on the other side of the Mystic 
River were divided pro rata by the town, according to 

1 This allusion is doubtless to Henry Dunster and others. 

2 Rev. S. Hall's "Collection," Backus, Vol. I., p. 490. 

3 Backus, "History," Vol. I., p. 296. 

* His name has been spelled in a variety of ways, but his own signa- 
ture to a prison bail-bond, preserved in the "Massachusetts Archives," 
spells it Goold. Hence that spelling is followed in this history. 



the assessed property which they owned in the town, 
his name appears twelfth on the list. 1 That he was a 
man who knew how to think in a clear, consecutive, 
and orderly way, his narrative of his experience amply 
shows. He was undoubtedly the writer of the Con- 
fession of Faith which the church still accepts as its 
credal statement. The honorable and influential po- 
sition which he held in the community accounts for 
the long and patient dealing w r ith him by the Charles- 
town Church, and also for the stir which his open 
espousal of Baptist doctrines caused in the colony. 
Upon him, for many years, fell the heaviest burden 
of fines, imprisonments, banishments, and social ostra- 
cism. Hubbard, in his " History of New England," 
says that " Goold was a man of a grave and serious 
spirit and of sober conversation." He and Hannah, 
his wife, were admitted to the First Congregational 
Church, of Charlestown on the seventh day of the 
fourth month in 1640. 2 He was admitted a freeman 
of the colony June 2, 1641. The restrictions about 
this privilege were so great that to be a freeman was 
an especial distinction. He was admitted again to 
the Charlestown Church on the twenty-first day, first 
month, 1652, 3 in which year he was also one of the 
selectmen of the town. He had evidently changed 
his residence and returned again, but where he went 
or how long he remained is unknown. He would 
seem to have had no scruples about infant baptism in 
1641, for in that year he brought his infant daughter 
to be christened. But between that date and 1655 

1 Frothingham, "History of Charlestown," p. 153. 
2 "Records of First Church, Charlestown." 3 Ibid. 



33 

had occurred the public whipping of Obadiah Holmes, 
because he was a Baptist, and the agitating public 
discussion over President Dunster, between whom and 
himself was a warm friendship. It is not surprising, 
therefore, that when in 1655 another child was born 
to him he refused to have it christened, and in conse- 
quence was earnestly admonished by the church. But 
persisting in his refusal he was suspended from com- 
munion, December 30, 1656. 

This was soon followed by a course of expostulation, 
admonition, and discipline, lasting through nearly ten 
years, until July 30, 1665, when he was excluded from 
the church upon definite information that "he had 
embodied himself with other Anabaptists in a pre- 
tended church way." Even if the debates between 
himself and the church sometimes grew warm, and 
threats were made against him which were difficult 
to bear, nevertheless the church in the main showed 
a commendable patience with him during these ten 
years. It is abundantly manifest that he was a man 
of influence and distinction in the community, other- 
wise he would have been more summarily cut off from 
church fellowship. In 1656 he was summoned before 
the Middlesex Court, " for denying infant baptism to 
his child, and thus putting himself and his descend- 
ants in peril of the IyOrd's displeasure, as in the case 
of Moses." 

But the case of Moses does not seem to have greatly 
frightened him, nor to have swerved him from his 
course of dissent, for in the following April (1657) he 
was again presented by the grand jury, and in com- 
pany with ex-President Dunster, who was presented 



34 

by the same grand jury, was indicted and brought be- 
fore the court on the same charge : " Thomas Goold 
being presented by the Grand Jury held at Cambridge, 
April 7, 1657, for not bringing his child to the holy 
ordinance of baptism, the said Goold appearing in 
Court confessed his child to be unbaptized, the Court 
sollemly admonished him of his dangerous error." 1 
In June, 

Thomas Goold being again called the 24 : (4). 57 : and not ap- 
pearing the Court ordered that the Clarke of the Court should send 
an attachment for him to appear before any magistrate, in case he 
did refuse upon notice given him, to give twenty pounds bond for 
his appearance at the next Court of Assistants at Boston and that 
he should pay the costs of Court. 2 

I shall insert in full the original record of the 
Charlestown Church, and also Goold's own narrative 
concerning the long course of discipline which now 
ensued. The facts have been so frequently distorted 
by writers on colonial history, that in the interests 
of justice the two records ought to be put side by 
side. The judicial reader will then be able to decide 
for himself what is the exact truth in this notable 
case of discipline. The Charlestown Church was 
founded in 1628, but no records of its history are pre- 
served prior to this record of discipline as here set 
forth, sixth day, fourth month, 1658. This record was 
not entered in their books until some time after the 
events recorded. It was then made from the memory 
of its only elder, Zech. Symmes, who seems to have 
shown more heat and zeal in the discipline than wis- 

1 " Middlesex Court Original Papers," also Armitage, " History," p. 699. 
2 "Cambridge Court Record." 



35 

dom or brotherliness. How far the recollections of a 
man of such a temper are to be trusted, when they 
are put into the church record a considerable time 
after Goold was excommunicated and outlawed for 
being a Baptist, the impartial reader must determine. 
How significant the discipline and final withdrawal 
of Goold and Osborn appeared to the officers of the 
church may be inferred from their desire to put it on 
record as the first important entry of their church 
book ! Their prescience was singularly correct, and 
has been fully justified by history, for it was by far, in 
its various bearings, the most important event in their 
history. It was the beginning of organized and fear- 
less dissent in Massachusetts, and marked the opening 
of that long and weary struggle, the end of which 
almost two centuries later was complete religious lib- 
erty and the severance of Church and State. 1 

The church tried persuasion ; the Court tried coer- 
cion ; but both were alike vain. The church proposed 
argument and excommunication ; the Court proposed 
fines and imprisonment ; but no proposal proved per- 
suasive with the indomitable spirit of Thomas Goold. 
The general spirit of the severer class of Puritans of this 
period may be better understood in the light of some 
of their familiar utterances: "Anabaptism is so cruel 
and hard-hearted opinion." 2 "Anabaptism is an En- 
gine framed to cut the throat of the Infanttry of the 
Church." 2 "'Tis Satan's policy to plead for an in- 
definite and boundless toleration." 2 "Anabaptisme 

1 Complete separation of Church and State was not guaranteed by the 
Constitution of Massachusetts until 1833. 

2 Thomas Shepherd, "Election Sermon" (1672), pp. 24, 25. 



36 

we shall find hath ever been looked at by the Godly 
Leaders of this people as a Scab." * " Protestants ought 
not to persecute any, yet that Protestants may punish 
Protestants ; and as the case may be circumstanced, a 
Congregation of such as call themselves Protestants 
cannot rationably be denied." 2 " Experience tells us 
that such a rough thing as a New England Anabap- 
tist is not to be handled over tenderly." 3 "It was 
toleration that made the world Antichristian." 4 "The 
Lord keep us from being bewitched with the whore's 
cup, lest while we seem to detest & reject her with 
open face of profession, we do not bring her in by a 
back door of Toleration." 5 "Separation and Anabap- 
tism are wonted intruders, and seeming Friends, but 
secret fatal 1 Enemies to Reformation." 6 Such passages 
from sermons of the time might be multiplied indef- 
initely. The Baptist schism was the most dreaded of 
all with which the colony was threatened, and no epi- 
thets were too opprobrious to be hurled at its adher- 
ents. The ministers were insistently urging the civil 
magistrates to use coercive measures and to punish 
heretics. " To purge New England of heresie," was 
the favorite appeal, and was the open door through 
which the civil courts let loose the fierce horde of 
fines, imprisonments, and banishments. 

1 Thomas Shepherd, "Election Sermon" (1672), pp. 24, 25. 

2 Increase Mather, Intro. " Ne Sutor Ultra Crepidam." 
3 Samuel Willard, " Ne Sutor Ultra Crepidam." 4 Ibid. 

5 John Cotton, " Bloody Tenet Washed," p. 132, 192. 
6 Jonathan Mitchell, "Election Sermon" 1667. 



CHAPTER III 

Discipline of Thomas Gooux Record of 

Chakxestown Church. Thomas 

Goou^s own Narrative. 



Ill 

The following is a transcript from the records of 
the First Parish Church of Charlestown : 

Upon the 6th of 4th m. 1658. 

Brother Thomas Gold, according to the agreement of the church 
the Lord's day before, was called forth to give an account of his 
long withdrawing from the public ordinances amongst us on the 
Lord's day. It was asked brother Gold, whether he had any rule 
from God's word so to do? or whether it were not a manifest 
breach of rule and order of the gospel ? His answer several times 
was to this effect that he had not turned from any ordinance of 
God, but did attend the word in other places. It was then asked 
him, whether he did not own church covenant as an ordinance of 
God, and himself in covenant with this church ? He answered he 
did, but we had cut him off, or put him away by denying to him 
the Lord' s Supper, when only he had been admonished, and so 
now had no more privilege than an Indian, and therefore he 
looked not now at himself as a member of our church, but was 
free to go any whither. He was likewise blamed, that having so 
often expressed his desire to attend any light that might help him 
in his judgment and practice, about children' s baptism : that yet 
he should forbear, and stay away, when he could not but know, 
that his pastor was speaking largely to that subject. He confest 
his wife told him of it : and being asked how he could in faith 
partake of the Lord's Supper, whilst he judged his own baptis7n 
void and null ? he owned it was so, as administered to him as a 
child ; but since God had given him grace, he now came to make 
use of it, and get good by it. It being replied that a person owned 
by all, as gracious, and fit for (the) Supper, is not yet to be ad- 
mitted to it, till baptized : he said little or nothing to it, but spoke 
divers things, generally offensive to the brethren, and would own 
no failing. Hence after much time spent, the brethren consent- 
D 39 



40 

ing, he was admonished for breaking away from the church, in 
way of schism, never having used any means to convince the 
church of any irregular proceeding, but continuing peremptorily 
and contumaciously to Justine his schism. This transaction was 
speedily after the acting thereof truly recorded by the then only 
elder of this church : Zech. Symmes, Mr. Green the ruling elder 
dying a little before. Nov 18, i66j. Bro. Thomas Osborn being 
leavened with principles of Anabaptisme was (the brethren con- 
senting) admonished for frequent irregular withdrawing himself 
from the publick worship of God, holding it to be no sin to neglect 
the publick ordinances of God upon the Lord's day, even when 
they might conveniently be enjoyed ; and for continuing impen- 
itent in his sin. On the same day also, it was consented to by 
the brethren that his wife, leavened with principles of Anabap- 
tisme and Quakerisme, should receive an admonition for her no- 
torious neglect of the publique worship of God, denying our 
churches to be true churches, and denying her membership with 
us, and, also, the churches power over her, and continuing im- 
penitent in her sin. She went home from the assembly, when the 
admonition should have been declared to her, but however it was 
declared that she was under the publiq offence of the church. 
And at the same time Bro. Thomas Gool also persisting in his 
schismatical withdrawing from the church, notwithstanding his 
former admonition, and now for denying his relation to this 
church, as a brother of it, and also for denying the churches 
power over him, was againe (with the consent of the brethren) de- 
clared to be under the great offence of the church, and rebuked 
for his impenitency in that sin of his. Feb. 21. 1664. Bro. 
Thomas Osborn received a second admonition (with the consent 
of the brethren) for his obstinacy in his former sin, for which he 
had been (Nov. 18) admonished, and aggravated by another de- 
gree of schisme, refusing (as he expressly and vehemently affirmed) 
to hold communion with the church any longer, as formerly he 
had done : because we held bafttisme of children to be an ordi- 
nance of God & etc. Feb. 28, 1664. Bro. Thomas Gool was again 
admonished (with the consent of the brethren) for his impenitency 
in his former sin of schisming for which he had been admonished, 
and withall now refusing to give an account to the church who did 



4i 

enquire concerning a private meeting kept at his house on the 
Lord's day (November 8, 1663) with Bro. Osborn and other Ana- 
baptists, when he should, and might conveniently have been pres- 
ent with the church in the publiq worship of God : he said it was 
not the season for him to answer, and therefore would not give an 
account of it : for which things above said, he was accordingly 
censured. July Q, r66j. The Church, hearing that Bro. Gool 
and Bro. Osborn had together with other Anabaptists, embodied 
themselves in a pretended church way : sent Deacon Lynd and 
Deacon Stillson to them with this message : viz : That they should 
be present with this church the next Lord' s day in the public wor- 
ship of God, and at the evening thereof to stay, and give an account 
to the church of that report which was heard concerning them, as also 
concerning their former offences : and the church did then desire our 
Deacons to acquaint our sister Osborn (that had been for some time 
under the public offence of the church) with that meeting, and that 
she should be present likewise with her husband. July 16, 1663. Our 
Deacons having carried the message of the church to Bro. Gool, 
Bro. Osborn and our sister Osborn, to come and hear the church : 
the answer returned back to the church was negative. Bro. Gool 
said he should not come, and if our church had anything to say 
against him, they should acquaint the society with it to which he 
was then joined : saying also that he was no member of our 
church : and said, your church hath nothing to do with me. Bro. 
Osborn said that he had given his reasons to the church formerly 
why he could not hold communion with it : viz : because of Infant 
Baptism : 2. our allowing none but such as had human learning 
to be in the ministry. 3. our severe dealmg with those of a con- 
trary judgment from us : and, therefore said he should not come 
to the church. Our sister Osborn' s was that she desired not to 
continue with the church, but would be dismissed which way they 
would, and that she could not come to the church. She should 
sin against her conscience if she did. These members thus re- 
fusing to appear, the church judged it meet to wait with some fur- 
ther patience upon our brethren abovesaid, and sister : and they 
did therefore desire our Deacons again, with our brother Ensign 
Tidd, to carry this message following to them, viz : to tell them that 
they are under the further offence of the church for their separating 



42 

from our communion, and refusing to hear the church, and that 
the church doth desire, and require them in the name of Christ 
that they should return to us, and come and hear the church and 
give an account the next Lord's day of their withdrawing. July 
2 j, i66j. Our messengers having delivered the message above- 
said to Bro. Gool, Bro. Osborn, and Sister Osborn : the answer 
returned to them was the same (in a manner) they gave the week 
before : Bro. Gool denying his relation to the church in Charles- 
town, and that they had nothing to do with him, and also said 
that they were to have the Lord's Supper administered in their 
church the next Lord's day, and therefore he should not come : 
Bro. Osborn said he should not come to the church, and that the 
church might proceed as they pleased with him : Our sister Os- 
born' s answer was as formerly, refusing to come. Whereupon it 
was propounded to vote (after a proposal of it had been made by 
some of the brethren) that if there did come in nothing of repent- 
ance manifested by these persons to the church between this and 
the next Lord' s day, whether then the church should proceed 
(seeing these matters had formerly been so fully and oft debated) 
without further debating the matter the next Lord' s day, and (if 
nothing of more than ordinary weight to hinder did fall out in the 
interim) that these our brethren and she our sister should have the 
censure of excommunication passed against them ? It was unan- 
imously carried by a silentiary 1 vote in the affirmative, not one of 
the brethren present expressing a word against it July jo, i66j. 
Nothing of repentance intervening, Bro. Thomas Gool, Bro. Thomas 
Osborn, and his wife our sister Osborn, were (with the consent of 
the brethren) excommunicated for their impenitency in their 
schismatical withdrawing from the church and neglecting to hear 
the church. 

The following is Thomas Goold's own narration con- 
cerning the same discipline : 

It having been a long time a scruple to me about infant bap- 
tism, God was pleased at last to make it clear to me by the rule 

1 Silentiary vote was a vote by common consent. No one arose to say 
anything adversely. Only male members had a vote. 



43 

of the gospel, that children were not capable nor fit subjects for 
such an ordinance, because Christ gave this commission to his 
apostles, first to preach to make them disciples, and then to bap- 
tize them, which infants were not capable of ; so that I durst not 
bring forth my child to be partaker of it ; so looking that my 
child had no right to it, which was in the year 1655, when the 
Lord was pleased to give me a child ; I staid some space of time 
and said nothing to see what the church would do with me. On 
a third day of the week when there was a meeting at my house, to 
keep a day of thanksgiving to God for his mercy shown to my 
wife, at that time one coming to the meeting, brought a note from 
the elders of the church to this effect, that they desired me to 
come down on the morrow to the elder' s house, and to send word 
again what time of that day I would come, and they would stay at 
home for me ; and if I could not come that day to send them 
word. I, looking on the writing with many friends with me, I 
told them I had promised to go another way on the morrow. 
Master Dunstan 1 being present desired me to send them word, 
that I could not come on the morrow, but that I would come any 
other time that they would appoint me ; and so I sent word back 
by the same messenger. The fifth day, meeting with elder Green, 
I told him how it was ; he told me it was well, and that they 
would appoint another day when he had spoken with the pastor, 
and then they would send me word. This lay about two months, 
before I heard any more from them. On a First-day, in the after- 
noon, one told me I must stop, for the church would speak with 
me. They called me out, and Master Sims told the church, that 
this brother did withhold his child from baptism, and that they 
had sent unto him to come down on such a day to speak with 
them, and if he could not come on that day to set a day when he 
would come, and they be at home, but he refusing to come would 
appoint no time, when we writ to him to take his own time and 
send us word. 

I replied that there was no such word in the letter, for me to 
appoint the day ; but what time that day I should come. Mr. 
Sims stood up and told me, I did lie, for they sent to me to ap- 

1 Henry Dunster. 



44 

point the day. I replied again that there was no such thing in 
the letter. He replied again, that they did not set down a time, 
and not a day, therefore he told me it was a lie ; and that they 
would leave my judgment and deal with me for a lie ; and told 
the church that he and the elder agreed to write, that if I could 
not come that day, to appoint the time when I could come, and 
that he read it, after the elder writ it, and the elder affirmed it 
was so ; but I still replied, there was no such thing in the letter, 
and thought t'hat I could produce the letter. They bid me let 
them see the letter, or they would proceed against me for a lie. 
Brother Thomas Wilder, sitting before me, stood up and told 
them, that it was so in the letter as I said, for he read it when it 
came to me. But they answered it was not so, and bid him pro- 
duce the letter, or they would proceed with me. He said, I 
think I can produce the letter, and forthwith took it out of his 
pocket, which I wondered at ; and I desired him to give it to Mr. 
Russell to read, and so he did, and he read it very faithfully, and 
it was just as I had said, that I must send them word what time 
of that day I would come down ; so that their mouths were 
stopped, and Master Sims put it off, and said he was mistaken, 
for he thought he had read it otherwise ; but the elder said, This 
is nothing, let us proceed with him for his judgment. Now let 
any man judge what a fair beginning this was, and if you wait 
awhile you may see as fair an ending. They called me forth to 
know why I would not bring my child to baptism. But before I 
speak to that, observe tbe providence of God in the carriage of 
this letter. Brother Wilder was with us when their letter came to 
my house, and after Mr. Dunstan [Dunster] had read it, he gave 
it to brother Wilder and he put it into his pocket, and it lay there 
eight or nine weeks, till, that day I was called forth, going a good 
space from his house, finding it too cold to go in the clothes he 
had on, [he] returned again and put on another pair of breeches 
which were warmer, and when he had so done, put his hand into 
his pocket to see if he had any paper to write with, and there 
found that letter, and put it in again and went to meeting, yet not 
knowing what would be done that day concerning me. God had 
so appointed it, to stop their fierce proceedings against me for a 
lie, which they sought to take me in. Then asking me why I did 



45 

not bring my child to baptism, my answer was, I did not see any 
rule of Christ for it, for that ordinance belongs to such as can 
make profession of their faith, as the Scripture doth plainly hold 
forth. . . They answered me, That was meant of grown per- 
sons, and not of children ; but that which was most alleged by 
them was, that children were capable of circumcision in the time 
of the law, and therefore as capable in the time of the gospel of 
baptism ; and asked me, why children were not to be baptized in 
the time of the gospel, as well as children were circumcised in the 
time of the law ? My answer was, God gave a strict command 
in the law for circumcision of children ; but we have no com- 
mand in the gospel, nor example, for the baptizing of children. 
Many other things were spoken, then a meeting was appointed by 
the church the next week at Mr. Russell' s. 

Being met at Mr. Russell' s house, Mr. Sims took a writing out 
of his pocket wherein he had drawn up many arguments for in- 
fants' baptism, and told the church that I must answer those 
arguments, which I suppose he had drawn from some author ; and 
told me I must keep to those arguments. My answer was, I 
thought the church had met together to answer my scruples, and 
to satisfy my conscience by a rule of God, and not for me to an- 
swer his writing. He said he had drawn it up for the help of his 
memory, and desired we might go on. Then I requested three 
things of them. ist. That they should not make me offender for 
a word. 2d. They should not drive me faster than I was able to 
go. 3d. That if any present should see cause to clear up anything 
that is spoken by me, they might have their liberty without offence ; 
because here are many of you that have their liberty to speak 
against me if you see cause. But it was denied, and Mr. Sims was 
pleased to reply, that he was able to deal with me himself and that 
I know it. So we spent four or five hours speaking to many things 
to and again ; but so hot, both sides, that we quickly forgot and 
went from the arguments that were written. At last one of the 
company stood up and said, I will give you one plain place of 
Scripture where children were baptized. I told him that would 
put an end to the controversy. That place in the second of the 
Acts, 39th, 40th verses. After he had read the Scripture, Mr. 
Sims told me that promise belonged to infants, for the Scripture 



4 6 

saith, The promise is to you and your children, and to all that are 
afar off ; and he said no more, to which I replied, Even so many 
as the Lord our God shall call. Mr. Sims replied, that I spoke 
blasphemously in adding to the Scriptures. I said, pray do not 
condemn me, for if I am deceived, my eyes deceive me. He re- 
plied again, I added to the Scripture, which was blasphemy. I, 
looking in my Bible, read the words again, and said it was so. 
He replied the same words the third time before the church. Mr. 
Russell stood up and told him it was so as I had read it. Ay, it 
may be so in your Bible, saith Mr. Sims. Mr. Russell answered, 
Yea in yours too if you will look into it. Then he said he was 
mistaken, for he thought on another place ; so after many other 
words we broke up for that time. 

At another meeting the church required me to bring out my 
child to baptism. I told them I durst not do it, for I did not see 
any rule for it in the word of God. They brought many places of 
Scripture in the Old and New Testaments, as circumcision and the 
promise to Abraham, and that children were holy, and they were 
disciples. But I told them that all these places made nothing for 
infants' baptism. Then stood up W. D. in the church and said, 
"Put him in the Court ! Put him in the Court /" But Mr. Sims 
answered, I pray forbear such words ; but it proved so, for pres- 
ently after, they put me in the Court, and put me in seven or eight 
Courts, whilst they looked upon me to be a member of their 
church. The elder pressed the church to lay me under admoni- 
tion, which the church was backward to do. Afterwards I went 
out at the sprinkling of children, which was a great trouble to 
some honest hearts, and they told me of it. But I told them I 
could not stay, for I look upon it as no ordinance of Christ. They 
told me that now I had made known my judgment I might stay, 
for they know I did not join with them. So I stayed and sat down 
in my seat when they were at prayer and administering that service 
to infants. Then they dealt with me for my unreverent carriage. . . 
One stood up and accused me, that I stopped my ears ; but I de- 
nied it. 

At another meeting they asked me if I would suffer the church 
to fetch my child and baptize it ? I answered, If they would fetch 
my child and do it as their own act they might do it ; but when 



47 

they should bring my child, I would make known to the congre- 
gation that I had no hand in it ; then some in the church were 
against doing of it. A brother stood up and said, Brother Gould, 
you were once for children' s baptism, why are you fallen from it ? 
I answered, It is true, and I suppose you were once for crossing in 
baptism, why are you fallen from that ? The man was silent. 
But Mr. Sims stood up in a great heat, and desired the church to 
take notice of it, that I compared the ordinance of Christ to the 
cross in baptism ! This was one of the great offences they dealt 
with me for. After this the Deputy Governor meeting me in 
Boston, called me to him and said, Goodman Gould, I desire you 
that you would let the church baptize your child. I told him that 
if the church would do it upon their own account they should do 
it, but I durst not bring out my child. So he called to Mrs, Nor- 
ton of Charlestown, and prayed her to fetch Goodman Gould's 
child and baptize it. So she spake to them, but not rightly, in- 
forming them, she gave them to understand that I would bring 
out my child. They called me out again and asked me if I would 
bring forth my child ? I told them No, I durst not do it, for I see 
no rule for it. One of the brethren stood up and said, If I would 
not let my child partake of one ordinance, it was meet I should 
not partake of the other ; so many of the church concluded to lay 
me under admonition ; but before they did it Mr. Sims told me, 
it was more according to rule for me to withdraw from the ordi- 
nance, than for them to put me by ; bringing that place of Scrip- 
ture, If thou bring thy gift to the altar, and there rememberest 
that thy brother hath aught against thee, leave there thy offering 
and be reconciled first to thy brother. But I told them I did 
not know that my brother had anything justly against me ; for they 
had not shown me any rule of Christ that I had broken, therefore 
I durst not withdraw from that ordinance that I had found so much 
of God in ; but if they would put me by, I hoped God would feed 
my soul another way. So they proceeded to admonition. Elder 
Green said, Brother Gould, you are to take notice that you are ad- 
monished for three things ; the first is, that you refused to bring 
your child to be baptized ; the second is, for your contentious 
words and unreverent carriage in the time of that ordinance ; the 
third is, for a late lie you told ; and therefore you are to take no- 



4 8 

tice, that you are not to partake any more of the ordinance of 
Christ with us, till you give satisfaction for these things. But 
when that late lie was told I know not, except it was when the let- 
ter was found in brother Wilder' s pocket. This admonition was 
between seven and eight years before they cast me out. After this 
I went to Cambridge meeting, which was as near my house as 
the other ; upon that they put me into the Court, that I did not 
come to hear ; but many satisfied the Court that I did come con- 
stantly to Cambridge ; so they cleared me. Then the church 
called me to account and dealt with me for schism, that I rent 
from the church. I told them, I did not rend from them, for they 
put me away. Master Sims was very earnest for another admoni- 
tion for schism, which most of the church were against ; but it 
seems he set it down for an admonition on a bit of paper. This 
continued for a long time before they called me out again. In the 
meantime, I had some friends who came to me out of old Eng- 
land, who were Baptists, and desired to meet at my house of a 
First-day, which I granted. Of these was myself, my wife and 
Thomas Osburne, that were of their church. Afterwards they 
called me forth and asked why I kept the meeting in private on 
the Lord' s day, and did not come to the public ? My answer was, 
I know not what reason the church had to call me forth. They 
asked me if I was not a member of that church ? I told them 
they had not acted toward me as a member, who had put me by 
the ordinances of Christ seven years ago ; . . . they had denied 
me the privileges of a member. They asked me whether I looked 
upon admonition as an appointment of Christ ? I told them, Yes, 
but not to lie under it above seven years, and to be put by the or- 
dinances of Christ in. the church ; for the rule of Christ is first to 
deal with men in the first and second place, and then in the third 
place before the church ; but the first time they ever dealt with 
me, they called me before the whole church. Many meetings we 
had about this thing, whether I was a member or not, but could 
come to no conclusion ; for I still affirmed that their actings ren- 
dered me no member. Then Mr. Sims told the church that I was 
ripe for excommunication, and [he] was very earnest for it ; but 
the church would not consent. Then I desired that we might send 
to other churches for their help to hear the thing betwixt us ; but 



49 

Master Sims made me this answer : We are a church of Christ 
ourselves, and you shall know that we have power to deal with you 
ourselves. Then said Mr. Russell, We have not gone the right 
way to gain this our brother, for we have dealt too harshly with 
him. But still Master Sims pressed the church to excommunicate 
me. Mr. Russell said, There were greater errors in the church in 
the apostles' time, and yet they did not so deal with them. Mr. 
Sims asked him what they were ? He said, How say some of you 
that there is no resurrection of the dead ? Mr. Sims was troubled 
and said, I wonder you will bring this place of Scripture to en- 
courage him in his error ? Mr. Sims was earnest for another ad- 
monition. Then stood up Solomon Phips and said, You may clap 
one admonition on him upon another, but to what end, for he was 
admonished about seven years ago ! Mr. Sims said, Brother ! do 
you make such a light matter of admonition, to say, Clap them 
one upon another ? Doth not the apostle say, After the first and 
second admonition reject an heretic ? therefore there might be a 
second admonition. It was answered, it was a hard matter to 
prove a man a heretic, for every error doth not make a man a 
heretic. Mr. Sims said, It was not seven years ago, nor above 
three, since I was admonished, and that was for schism. A 
brother replied and said, it was seven years since I was admon- 
ished. On that there was some difference in the church what I was 
admonished for. Mr. Sims then pulled a bit of paper out of his 
pocket and said, This is that he was admonished for, and that was 
but three years since. Brother Phips asked him when that paper 
was writ, for he never heard of that admonition before ? He an- 
swered, he set it down for his own memory ; then he read it, that it 
was for schism, and rending from the church. I told him that I 
did not rend from the church, but the church put me away from 
them, and that was four years before this. Then there was much 
agitation when the admonition was given, and what it was for ? 
And this was all the church records that could be found, which 
was about seven years after the admonition was given ; so after 
many words we broke up, which was the last time we met together. 
Now let any man judge of the church records that were drawn up 
against me, and read at the dispute 'in Boston, which contained 
three or four sheets of paper ; read by Mr. Shepard, and drawn up 



5o 

by him a little while before the dispute, who was not an eye nor 
ear witness to the church' s actings not above half the time. 

Now after this, considering with myself what the Lord would 
have me to do ; not likely to join with any of the churches of New 
England any more, and so to be without the ordinances of Christ ; 
in the meantime God sent out of Old England some who were 
Baptists ; we, consulting together what to do, sought the Lord to 
direct us, and taking counsel of other friends who dwelt among us, 
who were able and godly, they gave us counsel to congregate our- 
selves together ; and so we did, being nine of us, to walk in the 
order of the gospel according to the rule of Christ, yet knowing 
that it was a breach of the law of this country ; that we had not 
the approbation of magistrates and ministers, for that we suffered 
the penalty of that law, when we were called before them. After 
we had been called into one or two Courts, the church understand- 
ing that we were gathered into church order, they sent three mes- 
sengers from the church to me, telling me the church required me 
to come before them the next Lord' s day. I replied, The church 
had nothing to do with me, for they had put me from them eight 
years before. They replied, that they had nothing to do with 
that, but were sent by the church to tell me it was the mind of 
the church to speak with me. I told them I was joined to 
another church, and that church was not willing I should come 
to them, they having nothing to do with me, therefore I would 
not come without the church's consent. Then they departed. 
The next week they sent three messengers more, who came to 
my house and told me that the church had sent them to require 
me to come to the church the next Lord's day after. I told 
them that the church had nothing to do to require me to come, 
who had put me from them eight years, and the church I now 
walked with would not let me come. They told me again that if 
I did not come, the church would proceed against me the next 
Lord' s day. I told them that I could not come for we were to 
break bread the next Lord' s day. They told me that they would 
return my answer to the church. One of them asked if I would 
come the next Lord' s day after ? But another presently said, We 
have no such order from the church ; so they departed. The last 
day of that week three loving friends coming to me of their own 



5i 

account, one of them was pleased to say to me, Brother Gould, 
though you look upon it as unjust for them to cast you out, yet 
there be many that are godly among them, that will act with them 
through ignorance, which will be a sin of them, and you are per- 
suaded, I believe, that it is your duty to prevent any one from any 
sinful act ; for they will cast you out for not hearing the church ; 
now your coming will stop them from acting against you, and so 
keep many from that sin. Upon these words I was clearly con- 
vinced that it was my duty to go, and replied, Although I could 
not come the next day, yet I promised them that if I was alive and 
well, I would come the next Lord's day if the Lord permit. He 
replied, What if the church I was joined to was not willing ? I 
told him I did not question that any one would be against it upon 
this ground. After I had propounded it to the church, not one 
was against it. I entreated these friends to make it known to the 
elders that I would come to them the next Lord's day after ; yet, 
though they knew of it, they proceeded against me that day, and 
delivered me up to Satan for not hearing the church. 



CHAPTER IV 

Organization of the Church. Baptism. 

Constituent Members. Confession 

of Faith. Before the Court. 



IV 

For nearly ten years, meetings l of those who held 
Baptist doctrines had been maintained in private 
houses in Charlestown and Boston. These meetings 
were strictly forbidden, but nevertheless were regularly 
held. The law was not strenuously enforced, proba- 
bly because these assemblies had not yet passed on 
into an organized church. A meeting held in Thomas 
Goold's house on Sunday, November 8, 1663, at which 
were present Goold and his wife, Osborne and his 
wife, and others, seems to have been especially ob- 
noxious to the authorities, both in Church and State, 
and called forth immediate and vigorous action. But 
even yet extreme severity was not used. Amazing 
inquisition into their assemblies and accompanying 
threats were the deterrent means employed. 

It is not known why so long a delay occurred in 
the final organization of the church, but in June, 1665, 
such an organization was finally perfected, probably 
in the house of Thomas Goold, and proceeded to exer- 
cise all the functions of an orderly church, and espe- 
cially to observe the ordinances. It was a time of 
mingled hope and fear. It required no small faith 
and courage to expect success in their perilous ven- 
ture. They were a little band, and the whole colony 
was hostile. They could scarcely hope to remain un- 

* " Witness Thomas Gold's private meetings in his own house for many 
years." Vide Willard, "Ne Sulor Ultra Crepidam," p. 22. 

e 55 



56 

observed, even though they were few, because already 
they had repeatedly fallen under the public disfavor 
of the Court. To perfect an independent church 
organization was, therefore, the extreme of daring 
and the last step of open rupture with the Standing 
Order. 

The first record on our Church Book reads : 

The 28 of the 3 d mo. 166 j in Charlestowne, Massachusetts, 
the Churche of Christ, commonly (though falsely) called Ana- 
baptiste were gathered togather And entered into fellowship & 
communion each with other, Ingaigeing to walke togather in all 
the appointments of there Lord & Master the Lord Jesus Christ 
as farre as hee should bee pleased to make known his mind & 
will unto them by his word & Spirit, And then were Baptized 

Thomas Gold 

Thomas Osbourne 

Edward Drinker 

John George 

And joyned with 

Richard Goodall 

William Turner 

Robert Lambert 

Mary Goodall 

Mary Newell 
who had walked in that 
order in old England 
to whom god hath added 
since 

Isacke Hull 

John Farnham 

Jacob Barny 

John Russell Jun or 

John Johnson 

George Farlow 

Benjamin Sweetser 

Sister Sweetser 









* fo UiUolK&JW tit* ciW 






vtvMfunt-to 




■■f&&. %<&m4 









First Entry in the Record Book of the First Baptist Church of Boston, 1665. 



57 

Eles Callender in 9 th m° 1669 

Joshua Turner 

Bro : Foster 

John Russell Sen or 

Bro : Hamlet 

Thomas Skinner, etc. 

Thomas Osborne and his wife were received into 
the Charlestown Church 10th day, 7th month, 1644, 
and again on the 23d day, 12th month, 1661, the last 
time upon letters of dismission from the Maiden 
Church. They speedily became familiar with the 
discipline of Thomas Goold, and their attention was 
arrested by the clear grounds of Scripture upon which 
he stood. They themselves soon became "leavened 
with principles of Anabaptisme," and absented them- 
selves when the ordinance of infant baptism was ad- 
ministered. It was only a few months after their last 
admission to membership in the church that they 
were admonished for holding the same views as 
Goold. Henceforth Goold and Osborne were close 
associates in doctrinal fellowship, in devotion to their 
convictions and in sufferings. Osborne was a citizen 
of property and of good standing in the community, 
and, like Goold, was a man of an exceedingly resolute 
spirit, which persecutions could not daunt. Opposi- 
tions could not turn him from his chosen path. Ed- 
ward Drinker was a potter by trade, and carried on an 
extensive business in the colony in pottery wares. In 
1652 he was appointed a constable of Charlestown. 
His house was a frequent rendezvous of Baptists and 
those who sympathized with them. He rendered very 
signal service to the colony at a time when it was 



58 

greatly imperiled. He was often in prison because of 
his Baptist views. John George was a chimney cleaner ; 
little is known of him. He died September 12, 1666, 
a little more than a year after the church was organ- 
ized, and hence escaped the worst of the persecutions. 
He was, indeed, both fined and banished, but his early 
death gave him release from the power of an earthly 
court. Both Drinker and George had been many 
years in the colony, but had never before connected 
themselves with any church. 

Drinker in later years won applause as an officer of 
a troop (largely recruited among the outlawed Bap- 
tists) which went to defend the colony at an exceed- 
ingly critical time against an attack of the Indians. 
His commanding officer and captain of the company 
was William Turner (also a Baptist), whose name ap- 
pears sixth on our list. Captain Turner laid down 
his life for the colony at the fierce and decisive battle 
which took place at Deerfield, in the Connecticut 
Valley, in 1676. Richard Goodall was a shipmaster, 
and commanded a ketch or freighting boat, which ran 
between Boston and New Haven. He had been a 
member of Mr. William Kiffen's Baptist church in 
London. He appears to have settled in Newbury as 
early as 1638, and to have finally made his home in 
Salisbury in 1639-40. William Turner and Robert 
Lambert had been members of Mr. Stead's Baptist 
Church in Dartmouth, England. Two women only 
united in this early church fellowship, Mary Goodall, 
wife of Richard, and Mistress Mary Newell, both of 
whom had been Baptists in Old England, and seem to 
have well considered the fierce trial into which they 



59 

were entering when they put their names on the roll 
of the new church. 

This little group of baptized believers, nine in 
number, seven men and two women (the two Marys), 
met in the house of Thomas Goold for their organi- 
zation. They were not the only Baptists of whom we 
have knowledge in Boston and vicinity at this time, 
but they are the immortal group who had the cour- 
age to declare, by this formal organization, their 
deathless convictions and their readiness to endure 
whatever such declaration might bring upon them. 
Is it too much to believe that the spirit of the sainted 
ex-President Henry Dunster met with them, and re- 
joiced in the planting of views for which he had 
suffered so much ? It is worthy of notice that twenty- 
two (fourteen men and eight women) others united 
with the church prior to 1671, and while the storm 
of persecution was most pitiless. They were coura- 
geous souls, " who obeyed God rather than men." 

It is not known who baptized Goold, Osborne, 
Drinker, and George. It is possible that Rev. John 
Myles, a Baptist minister from Wales, who had located 
in Swansea, Massachusetts, and gathered about him a 
Baptist church, might have been present. We know 
that he often visited Boston and preached for the 
church, and that some years later he might have be- 
come their pastor, if he had been willing to listen to 
their overtures. Dr. John Clarke, pastor at Newport, 
who at one time had been a resident of Boston, may 
have been present. He was widely known as a Bap- 
tist minister, for he had been in prison in Boston in 
1 65 1 for preaching and baptizing in Lynn. The after 



6o 

connection of this church with the Newport Church 
was close and continuous. 

Thomas Olney, pastor in Providence, had formerly 
lived in Salem, and could not have been ignorant of 
what was passing in Boston. All is conjecture, for 
no definite information has come down to us. It 
would have been entirely in keeping with their well- 
known views of the "right of individual liberty to 
prophesie," if one of their own number, who was 
already baptized, had been chosen to administer the 
ordinance to those who had not been immersed. In 
this regard, they would have followed the well-known 
example of Roger Williams at Providence, with the 
difference that some of their number had been mem- 
bers of Baptist churches in Old England, although 
none of them were ordained ministers. 

The question has been raised whether "dipping in 
water " was the form of baptism used at the organi- 
zation of this church. The same question has been 
raised in regard to the form of the baptism of Mr. 
Roger Williams at Providence, and also in regard to 
the usage among Baptists in Old England prior to 
1642. It is certain that Goold and Osborne were re- 
baptized, for they had both been members of the 
Charlestown Church. It is certain that all who had 
been previously members of Pedobaptist churches 
were rebaptized into this church. Thomas Foster, 
whose name appears twentieth on our list, was one of 
the founders and leading members of the church in 
Billerica. He became a Baptist, and was most severely 
reproached because he was " rebaptized " l when he 

1 Willard, li A T e Sutor Ultra Crepidam" p. 17. 



6i 

united with this church. This was regarded as 
especially a reproach cast upon the Billerica Church, 
from which he was excommunicated. The rebaptism 
always insisted on as a prerequisite to membership in 
this church was peculiarly irritating to the Puritan 
churches. This fact would not, however, be wholly 
decisive in regard to the mode of baptism. The first 
record of this church uses the word "baptized," 
which is, of course, open to three meanings according 
to long English usage. 

In 1640, Rev. Charles Chauncy, later the second 
president of Harvard College, settled for a time at 
Plymouth and afterward at Scituate. Before his in- 
stallation at Plymouth " he discovered his judgment 
about baptism, that the children ought to be dipped 
and not sprinkled. There arose much trouble about 
it." 1 In Scituate he persevered in his opinion, al- 
though u the church had refuted his doctrine, and 
dipped two of his own children." 2 His views made a 
great stir, and were considered a great encouragement 
to the " schismatical Anabaptists," who, however, 
never baptized children by any mode. Afterward he 
accepted the presidency of Harvard College at the 
price of silence concerning his views. The promul- 
gation of such heretical views in Scituate, and the 
following which they undoubtedly gained for them- 
selves, would be sufficient explanation of the retire- 
ment of ex-President Dunster to that place, when he 
was deposed from Harvard College in 1654. 

In 1 65 1, when John Clarke was apprehended and 

1 Winthrop, "Journal," Vol. I., pp ; 330, 331. 
2 Winthrop, "Journal," Vol. II., p. 72. 



62 

cast into Boston jail, he put forth as one of the views 
of the Baptists, and as the thesis which he desired to 
discuss with the ministers of Boston, the following : 

I testify that baptism or dipping in water is one of the com- 
mandments of this Lord Jesus Christ — that is, one that manifesteth 
faith in Jesus Christ is the only person that is to be baptized or 
dipped with that visible baptism or dipping of Jesus Christ in 
water. 

This would seem to be sufficiently explicit, but 
Clarke goes on further to say : 

Although there be frequent mention made of that appointment 
of Christ in his last will and Testament, yet it is never expressed 
by the word that may be rendered raiitism, or sprinkling, but by 
the word that is rendered baptism, or dipping. l 

This was the mode of baptism practised at New- 
port and Lynn. Clarke was the most representative 
Baptist of that time, and assuredly expressed the re- 
ceived Baptist view of the mode of baptism which Bap- 
tists practised. Clarke and the Newport Church were 
in fellowship with the Providence Church, and in close 
fellowship with the church in Boston without dissent 
when it was organized in 1665. 

" But these wicked Sectarians deny this Sacrament 
and compel their adherents to renounce their Baptism, 
and to be dipt again in their prophane waters." 2 This 
is an enemy's statement of the usual mode of baptism 
among Baptists. 

It is evident, therefore, that baptism among Bap- 
tists meant " the immersion of a believer," and never 

1 Clarke, "Narrative," pp. 50-52. 
2 Mr. Baxter, "Baptiz'd in Bloud," p. 3. Vide also p. 1. 



63 

any other mode. There is no record of any change of 
usage in this church from its foundation unto the 
present time. If there had been such change, either 
friends or enemies would have been quick to point it 
out. It is an interesting circumstance that the first 
two presidents of Harvard College, who were among 
the most learned and distinguished men in the Puri- 
tan colony, should have been " infected with the 
heresie of Anabaptisme." 

In this simple way did these men and women or- 
ganize this First Baptist Church, which became the 
steadfast forerunner, and the final obtainer of religious 
liberty in this commonwealth of Massachusetts. Dur- 
ing the first five years of its history the church never 
numbered more than eighteen members, every one of 
whom was a peaceful and industrious citizen. The 
wife of only one of the original members came into 
the fellowship of the church. Thomas Goold's second 
wife, Mary, who did not unite with the church until 
about 1670, w T as certainly in sympathy with her hus- 
band, as her vigorous protest and appeal to the author- 
ities in 1668, when he was in prison, abundantly show. 
The wife of Thomas Osborne was also in sympathy 
with her husband, as the records of discipline of the 
Charlestown Church testify. We do not know why 
they did not become members of the church, unless 
because their husbands dissuaded them through dread 
of the storm of persecution which was certain to fol- 
low. For eighteen years such storm did rage around 
this devoted little band as might well make husbands 
wish to protect their families and spare them from its 
fury. The power of the General Court and of the 



64 

Puritan ministers (with some noble exceptions) was 
put forth to crush them or banish them from the 
colony. They were obliged to meet, sometimes in 
Charlestown, sometimes in Boston, sometimes on 
Noddle's Island (now East Boston) in the harbor, but 
always in private houses and under the most watchful 
surveillance. 

There is an interesting entry in the records of the 
Roxbury Church, in the handwriting of John Eliot, 
the apostle to the Indians and pastor of the church. 

July-August, 1665. The Anabaptists gathered y m s into a 
church, prophesied one by one, & some one amongst y m adminis- 
tered y e Lords Supper after he was regularly excommunicated by 
y e ch. at Charlestown. 1 They also set up a lecture at Drinkers 
house once a fortnight. They were admonished by y e court of 
Assista [ ]. 2 

The church was organized June 7, 1665 (new style), 
and on August 20 Richard Russell, Esq., issued a war- 
rant to the constable of Charlestown requiring him in 
his majesty's name to labor to discover where these 
people assembled, and to require them to attend the 
established worship. If they refused they were to 
have their names and places of residence returned to 
the nearest magistrate. They were discovered, re- 
fused to give up their own meetings, and were conse- 
quently brought before the Court of Assistants in the 
" seventh month " (September), where they exhibited 
their Confession of Faith, which has remained un- 
altered as the received Confession of Faith of this 
church unto this day: 

1 Thomas Goold. 
2 "Original Records First Church, Roxbury." 



65 

The church being gathered mett with great opposition from the 
government of the place, upon which they drew up and delivered 
to the Court this confession as followeth to let the world know 
there faith & order proved from the word of God. 

Wee believe with the heart & confess with the mouth that there 
is but (a) one god (b) Creator & governor of all things (c) distin- 
guished into father, Son, & holy spirit (d) & that this is life eter- 
nall to know the only true god & Jesus Christ whom hee hath sent 
(a) Deut. 6:4: 1 tim. 2:5: Eph. 4:6: (b) gen. 1 : 1 : hebs 1 1 : 
3 : (c) matt. 8 : 16 : 1 John 5 : 7 : (d) John 17 : 3 : heb's 5:9: 
(d) & that the rule of this knowledge faith & obedience concern- 
ing the worship & service of god & all other christian duties is 
the written word of god contained in the bookes of the old & new 
testaments (e) John 5 : 39 : 2 tim 3:15:16:17: deut 14:2:5 
6 : gen : 6 : 22 exd : 20 : 4 : 5 : 6 : & 39 : 42 : 43 1 chron : 28 
19 ; psal : 119 : ezra : 8 : 19 : 20 & 27 : 13 : gall : 1 : 8 : Rev 22 
18 : 19 : (f) wee believe Christ is the foundation laid by the father 
(g) of whom moses and the prophets wrote & the apostles preached 
(h) who is that great prophet whom wee are to heare in all things 
(i) who hath perfectly revealed out of the bossom of his father the 
whole word and will of god which his servants are to know believe 
and obey (f) gen 3 : 15 : & 22 : 18 : (g) deut : 18 : 15 : psal : 22 : 
6 : 7 : 12 : & 17 (h) deut : 18 : 15 : acts 3 : 22 : 23 : (i) John 1 : 
18 : & I2:29:& 15 : 15 & 17: 18: matt : 17 : 5 : 2 tim : 3 : 15 : 
16 : 17 : (k) Christ his commission to his desciples is to teach & 
baptise (1) And those that gladly received the word & are baptised 
are saints by calling & fitt matter for a vissible church (m) And a 
competent number of such joyned together in covenant & fellow- 
ship of the gosple are a Church of Christ (k) matt : 28 : 19 : acts 
9 : 10 : 18 : & 10 : 28 : (1) acts 2 : 41 : (m) I cor 1:1:2:4:5: 
jer : 50 : 4 : 5 : psal : 50 : 5 : micha 4:5: matt : 18 : 15 : 20 (6) 
wee believe that a church thus constituted are to walk in all the 
appointments of Christ (p) And have power from him to chuse 
from among themselves there owne officers whom the gosple allowes 
to administer in the ordinances of Christ among them whom they 
may depute or ordaine to this end (o) matt 28 : 20 : (p) acts 14 : 
23 & 6 : 3 : 5 : 6 : Rom 12:4:8: acts 9 : 10 : 18 & 10 : 47 : 48 : 
(q) And this church hath power to receive into there fellowship 






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65 

The church being gathered mett with great opposition from the 
government of the place, upon which they drew up and delivered 
to the Court this confession as followeth to let the world know 
there faith & order proved from the word of God. 

Wee believe with the heart & confess with the mouth that there 
is but (a) one god (b) Creator & governor of all things (c) distin- 
guished into father, Son, & holy spirit (d) & that this is life eter- 
nall to know the only true god & Jesus Christ whom hee hath sent 
(a) Deut. 6:4:1 tim. 2:5: Eph. 4:6: (b) gen. 1 : 1 : hebs 1 1 : 
3 : (c) matt. 8 : 16 : 1 John 5:7: (d) John 17:3: heb's 5:9: 
(d) & that the rule of this knowledge faith & obedience concern- 
ing the worship & service of god & all other christian duties is 
the written word of god contained in the bookes of the old & new 
testaments (e) John 5 : 39 : 2 tim 3:15:16:17: deut : 4 : 2 : 5 
6 : gen : 6 : 22 exd : 20 : 4 : 5 : 6 : & 39 : 42 : 43 1 chron : 28 
19 ; psal : 1 19 : ezra : 8 : 19 : 20 & 27 : 13 : gall : 1 : 8 : Rev 22 
18 : 19 : (f) wee believe Christ is the foundation laid by the father 
(g) of whom moses and the prophets wrote & the apostles preached 
(h) who is that great prophet whom wee are to heare in all things 
(i) who hath perfectly revealed out of the bossom of his father the 
whole word and will of god which his servants are to know believe 
and obey (f) gen 3 : 15 : & 22 : 18 : (g) deut : 18 : 15 : psal : 22 : 
6 : 7 : 12 : & 17 (h) deut : 18 : 15 : acts 3 : 22 : 23 : (i) John 1 : 
i8:& 12 :29:& 15 : 15 & 17: 18: matt : 17 : 5 : 2 tim : 3 : 15 : 
16 : 17 : (k) Christ his commission to his desciples is to teach & 
baptise (1) And those that gladly received the word & are baptised 
are saints by calling & fitt matter for a vissible church (m) And a 
competent number of such joyned together in covenant & fellow- 
ship of the gosple are a Church of Christ (k) matt : 28 : 19 : acts 
9 : 10 : 18 : & 10 : 28 : (1) acts 2 : 41 : (m) I cor 1:1:2:4:5: 
jer : 50 : 4 : 5 : psal : 50 : 5 : micha 4:5: matt : 18 : 15 : 20 (6) 
wee believe that a church thus constituted are to walk in all the 
appointments of Christ (p) And have power from him to chuse 
from among themselves there owne officers whom the gosple allowes 
to administer in the ordinances of Christ among them whom they 
may depute or ordaine to this end (o) matt 28 : 20 : (p) acts 14 : 
23 & 6 : 3 : 5 : 6 : Rom 12:4:8: acts 9 : 10 : 18 & 10 : 47 : 48 : 
(q) And this church hath power to receive into there fellowship 



66 

vissible believers (r) & if any prove scandelouse obstenate & wicked 
to put forth such from amongst them (s) when the church is mett 
together they may all propesie one by one that all may all learne 
& all may be comforted (t) & they ought to meete together the first 
day of the weeke to attend upon the Lord in all his holy ordinances 
continuing in the Apostles doctrine & fellowship & breaking bread 
& praise (q) rom : 14 : 1 & 16 : 2 : (r) matt 18:7: 1 cor : 4 : 5 : 
(s) 1 cor : 14 : 23 : 24 : 25 : 31 : (t) acts 20 : 7 : 1 cor : 16 : 2 ; acts 
2 : 42 : (v) wee acknowlidge majestracy to bee an ordinance of god 
& to submitt ourselves to them in the lord not becawse of wrath 
only but also for consience sake rom : 13 : 1 1 pet -.2:13: 14 
(w) thus wee desire to give unto god that which is gods & unto 
ceasere that which is ceaseres & to every man that which belong- 
eth to them (x) endeavoring alwaise to have a cleare consience 
voide of offence towards god & towards men having hope in god 
that the resurection of the dead bee of the just unto life & of the 
.unjust unto condemnation everlasting (y) if any take this to bee 
heresie then doe wee with the apostles confess that after the way 
which they call heresie wee worship the father of our Lord Jesus 
Christ believing all things that are written in the law & in the 
prophets & in the psalms (w) matt : 22 : 21 (x) acts 24 : 14 : 15 : 
16 : John 5 ; 28 (y) 2 tim : 1 : 13 : & 3 : 14 : 15 : 16 : 17 : matt : 
10 : 32. This was delivered to A Court of Assistants on the ... of 
the seventh month i66j. 

This Confession of Faith is notable for its simpli- 
city, comprehensiveness, and biblicalness, but it did 
not please the Court, which charged the Baptists " to 
desist from their schismatical practises." The Bap- 
tists were as stubborn as the Court, and continued to 
meet as a church of Christ. When the General Court 
met the next month (October 11), they ordered to 
appear before them Goold, Osborne, Drinker, Turner, 
and George, who laid before them the same Confes- 
sion of Faith which they had presented before the 
Court of Assistants. Its closing confession and plea, 



67 

if any take this to bee heresie then doe wee with the apostles 
confess that after the way which they call heresie wee worship the 
father of our Lord Jesus Christ believing all things that are writ- 
ten in the law & in the prophets, & in the psalms, 

were of no avail with the Court, as the following 
statement and action show : 

Att the sessions of the General Court at Boston the 11 th of Oc- 
tober, i66j, whereas at the last Court of Assistants, Thomas 
Gold & his company, sundry of them, were openly convicted of 
schismattically rending from the communion of the Churches here 
& setting up a publicke meeting in opposition to the ordinances 
of Christ here Publickly Exercised & were sollemnly charged not 
to persist in such their pernitious practises, yet this not w th standing 
(as this Court is informed) they doe still persist in Contemning 
the Authority established. It is therefore ordered that the afore- 
sayd Gold & Company bee summoned before this Court to give 
an Account of such theire irregular practises, together w th theire 
Celebrating the Lord's Supper by an excommunicate person. 
Warrant issued out accordingly. The party 3 appeared. After a 
due hearing what they had to say, the Court proceeded, whereas 
Thomas Gold, William Turner, Edward Drincker, Thomas Os-. 
borne & John George, being summoned before the last Court of 
Assistants held at Boston in September last, were legally Convicted 
of Schismatticall opposition to the Churches of Christ heere 
settled & of profaning the holy appointments of Christ & in 
speciall the Sacraments of Baptisme & the Lord' s Supper by 
Administering the same to persons under censure of an Approved 
Church among us, & presuming as a covert of these theire irre- 
ligious and pernitious practises doe declare themselves to bee a 
Church of Christ. On Consideration whereof the Court sollemnly 
admonished the Sayd Persons of theire great evill, in attempting 
with soe high a hand to pollute & profane God's holy ordinances, 
they being not only private, but also some of them excommuni- 
cate persons, that have intermeddled in the Administration of 
these Ordinances that are proper only to office trust. And also 
the sayd Court sollemnly charged them that for the future, they 



68 

desist from such theire meeting, & irreligious practises, as they 
would Answer the contrary at theire perill. And whereas Tho s 
Gold, William Turner, Tho s Osborne, Edw d Drincker & Jn° 
George, were summoned before this Court & by theire owne Ac- 
knowledgement doe stand convicted of non observation & sub- 
mission unto the above sayd sentence & charge of the Court of 
Assistants, professing theire resolution yet further to procede in 
such theire irregular practises, thereby as well contemning the 
Authority & Lawes heere established for the maintenance of Godli- 
ness & honesty, as continuing in the profanation of God's holy 
ordinances. This Court taking the premises into theire serious 
consideration, do judge meete to declare that the sayd Gold & 
Company are noe orderly Church Assembly & that they stand 
justly convicted of high presumption against the Lord & his holy 
appointments : as also the peace of this Government against which 
this Court doth Account themselves Bound to God, to his truth & 
his Churches heere planted, to beare theire Testimony. And doe 
therefore sentence the sayd Gold, Osborne, Drincker, Turner & 
George, such of them as are freemen to bee disfranchised, & all 
of them upon conviction, before any one magistrate or Court, of 
theire further proceeding herein to bee committed to Prison, untill 
the Generall Court shall take further order w th them. 

Attest, Edw : Rawson, secrety. 1 

But they still continued to meet together in their 
own church fellowship, and steadily absented them- 
selves from the established worship. Hence on x\pril 
17, 1666, they were presented by the Grand Jury to 
the County Court at Cambridge " for absenting them- 
selves from worship." They declared, in answer, 
" that they were a publique meeting according to the 
order of Christ Jesus gathered together." * Thomas 
Osborne answered that " the reason of his non-attend- 
ance was that the Lord hath discovered unto him from 
his word and spirit of truth that the society where- 

1 "Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 



69 

with he is now in communion is more agreeable to 
the word of God, asserted that they were a church 
and attended the worship of God together, and do 
judge themselves bound so to do, the ground whereof 
he said he gave in to the General Court. Thomas 
Goold answered that as for coming to public worship, 
they did meet in public worship according to the 
rule of Christ, the grounds whereof they had given 
to the Court of Assistants, asserted that they were a 
public meeting according to the order of Christ Jesus, 
gathered together. John George answered that he 
did attend the public meetings on the Lord's days 
where he was a member, asserted that they were a 
church according to the order" of Christ in the gospel, 
and with them he walked and held communion in the 
public worship of God on the Lord's days." x 

The Court declared that their attendance on wor- 
ship " was not in a lawful way," and Goold, Osborne, 
and George were each fined four pounds therefor, and 
ordered to bind themselves in a bond of twenty 
pounds apiece for their appearance at the next Court 
of Assistants. They refused to pay the fine and were 
committed to prison. The Court of Assistants met 
and sentenced them to pay their fines and costs of 
Court, and said that if they would do this, they should 
be set at liberty, but added that " the Order of Court of 
October, 1665, referring to said schismattical assembly 
shall be and hereby is declared to be in full force." 2 
It is not known how soon they were released from 
prison, but on October 24, 1666, warrants were put 

1 "Mass. Hist.," Vol. III., pp. 400, 401. Backus, Vol. I., p. 299. 
2 " Mass. Records." 



7o 

into the hands of the Charlestown constables, u to 
obtain the names of such [Anabaptists] as you shall 
find met together. 1 ' 1 During this summer they met 
sometimes in Charlestown and sometimes on Noddle's 
Island (East Boston). Henry Shrimpton, a member 
of the First Church in Boston, a man of property and 
honorable standing, evidently did not sympathize with 
the persecutions of the Baptists, for in his will, dated 
July 17, 1666, occurs the following clause : " To the 
society of Christians that doth now meet at Noddle's 
Island, of w ch is Gold & Osborne & the rest, ten 
pounds, as a token of my love." It is doubtful if 
they ever received the ten pounds, for the Court would 
scarcely give them so much legal recognition as to 
admit that they were a "regular society." Hitherto 
the Court had directed its penalties against the male 
members only of the church, but on April 9, 1666, the 
constable of Charlestown " warnes Thomas Goold, 
Thomas Osborne & his wife & Mrs. Newell to appear 
at next session of Court." 2 March 10, 1667, the con- 
stable " warnes John Thrumbes, Thomas Goold, Ja s 
Goold, James Barrett, Steven Raynor, Robert Iyeethy, 
Thomas Mansall, John Foskett for not paying their 
dues towards the upholding the ministry of God's word 
in ye place." 2 June 4, 1667, William Johnson, Con- 
stable of Charlestown, " is required to warne Thomas 
Goold & his wife, Benanuel Bowers and his wife, 
Thomas Osborne and his wife, Stephen Baker, Mr. 
John Thrumble, Mrs. Newell for their persistency in 
non attendance on the Publick worship of God on ye 



" State Archives," Vol. X., p. 224. 
Middlesex Court, Original Papers/ 



7* 

Lord's Dayes," 1 and on June 15th the same constable 
" levies on Thomas Goold a fine of three pounds, 
Mrs. Newell three pounds, Thomas Osborne three 
pounds for absence from the ordinances of publick 
worship at the towne upon the Lord's Day." 1 

The Court had no penalties for men and women 
who did not attend upon public worship at all, and 
who wholly ignored the public teachings of religion. 
To this extent religion in its exercises was voluntary 
in the colony. But if any man or company of men 
chose to observe religious exercises, they were per- 
mitted to do it only in the way established by the 
Puritan churches. There was no penalty for being 
non-religious, but there were penalties for being re- 
ligious in any other way than the Congregational 
way. The high prelatical notions of the Puritan 
Church made it peculiarly grievous that a man who 
had not been ordained by them should baptize and 
administer the Lord's Supper. These functions be- 
longed only " to office trust," and it was gross sacri- 
lege to exercise them out of the regular and author- 
ized way. The high church ideas of the Puritans 
concerning the ordinances were little less prelatical 
than those of the Roman Church. Their ideas con- 
cerning a religious theocracy were even more strict 
than those of the Roman Church. 

1 " Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 



CHAPTER V 

Manner oe Dissent. Public Disputation. 
In Prison. Appear. Manner oe Wor- 
ship. Removal to Noddle's Island. 



V 

" The heresie of Anabaptisme " kept spreading in 
every direction in spite of all efforts for its suppres- 
sion. The constable of Woburn, June 5, 1667 was 
ordered " to warn John Johnson, John Russell, Jr., 
George Polly, Richard Nevers, for turning their back 
on ye ordinance of Baptisme." 1 This seems to have 
been a favorite method at that period of exhibiting 
the strongest dissent from the practice of infant bap- 
tism. To stand in the assembly with one's back 
turned toward the minister when he administered the 
ordinance, was an emphatic statement, without words, 
of the dissenter's opinion of the ordinance. Some- 
times the dissenter would rise and walk out of the 
assembly in so unmistakable a manner that all knew 
what it signified. Both of these modes of expression 
were peculiarly irritating to the members of the 
Standing Order, and in these days of greater for- 
mality and decorum in public worship would seem 
unpardonably rude. But according to the customs of 
that time it was not regarded as a breach of good 
manners. It only advertised as widely as possible the 
dissenter's doctrinal opinions, and at once gave occa- 
sion for doctrinal discussion. 

It is not difficult to picture to one's self the curi- 
osity, the agitation, and the vexation in an assembly, 
when, as the minister was proceeding with solemn and 

1 " Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 

75 



76 

hushed attention to christen a child, some prominent 
citizen and neighbor of Baptist proclivities would 
slowly arise and adjusting hat and cloak would walk 
resoundingly across the uncarpeted and creaking floor, 
making each heavy step toward the door speak his vig- 
orous protest. The Puritans were by nature and prac- 
tice an emphatic folk, and the dissenters, who were of 
the same English stock and training, did not lose any 
of their emphatic peculiarity because of their dissent. 
Some of the names of these Woburn men will appear 
again in this history. When the Court of Assistants 
met in Boston, March 3, 1668, the case of Thomas 
Goold came up as plaintiff on appeal from the judg- 
ment of the last County Court in Charlestown, and to 
the surprise of all, when the case was laid before the 
jury, it brought in a verdict in favor of Goold, and 
thus reversed the verdict of the lower Court. The 
Court refused to accept the verdict of the jury and 
sent them out for a reconsideration. Under this re- 
buke and compulsion, the jury brought in a qualified 
verdict against him, and the Court at once affirmed 
the judgment. He refused to pay the fine and was 
thereupon committed to prison. 

This difficulty of getting the desired verdict from 
the jury evidently brought the Court to its sober 
second thought. They reflected that all their action 
hitherto had availed nothing in suppressing Baptists, 
but had rather spread their doctrines, and that when 
juries were beginning to sympathize with their perse- 
cuted townsmen, it was time to pursue a different and 
more effectual course. On March 7, 1668, they put 
forth the following declaration : 



77 

The Governor and Council, accounting themselves bound by 
the law of God, and of this Commonwealth, to protect the churches 
of Christ here planted, from the intrusion thereby made upon their 
peace in the ways of godliness, yet being willing by all Christian 
candor to endeavor the reducing of the said persons from the 
error of their way, and their return to the Lord and the commu- 
nion of his people from whence they are fallen, do judge meet to 
grant unto Thomas Goold, John Farnum, Thomas Osborn, and 
company, yet further an opportunity of a full and free debate, of 
their grounds for their practice : and for that end this court doth 
nominate and request the Rev. Mr. John Allen (Dedham), Mr. 
Thomas Cobbett (Lynn), Mr. John Higginson (Salem), Mr. Samuel 
Danforth (Roxbury), Mr. Jonathan Mitchel (Cambridge), and Mr. 
Thomas Shepard (Charlestown), to assemble with the Governor 
and magistrates, upon the 14th day of the next month, in the 
meeting house at Boston, at nine in the morning : before whom, 
or so many of them, with any other the Reverend elders or min- 
isters, as shall there assemble, the above said persons and their 
company shall have liberty, freely and fully, in open assembly, to 
present their grounds as above said, in an orderly debate of this 
following question : Whether it be justifiable by the word of God 
for these persons and their company to depart from the commun- 
ion of these churches, and to set up an. assembly here in the way 
of Anabaptisme, and whether such a practice is to be allowed by 
the government of this jurisdiction : To Thomas Goold : You are 
hereby required in his Majesty's name, according to the order of 
the Council above written, to give notice thereof to John Farnum, 
Senior, Thomas Osborn and the company, and you and they are 
alike required to give your attendance, at the time and place above 
mentioned, for the end therein expressed. 

Edward Rawson, Secretary. 1 

This was the opportunity for which Baptists had 
often preferred requests, from the time of Dr. John 
Clarke's imprisonment until their last appearance be- 
fore a civil court, but hitherto they had never obtained 

1 Backus, "History," Vol. I., p. 301. 



their wish. The authorities had shrewdly guessed 
that a public disputation w T ould only serve to make 
Baptist doctrine more widely known, without winning 
back to the fold any of the recalcitrant members. 
They had, therefore, under various shrewd pretexts, 
always denied opportunity for public discussion. It 
is not difficult to imagine the scene " at the meeting 
house at Boston," at nine o'clock on the fourteenth 
and fifteenth days of April, 1668. Governor Belling- 
ham and his Council sat as a Court. It was the 
highest civic tribunal in the colony. The six leading 
ministers who had been named in the warrant sat to- 
gether and acted as prosecutors. Goold, Farnum, and 
Osborn were released from jail long enough to be 
present and defend themselves and their faith. The 
news of the public disputation spread far and wide, 
and great curiosity w 7 as aroused. Dr. Clarke's church 
in Newport, hearing of the proposed debate, sent three 
trusty brethren, Mr. William Hiscox, Mr. Joseph Torry, 
and Mr. Samuel Hubbard, to assist their brethren in 
Boston in the defense. Six university-bred ministers 
and famous preachers were pitted against six lay- 
men, none of whom had enjoyed a university educa- 
tion. It would seem that so great a disparity in the 
equipment of the two sides would have disposed the 
Standing Order to allow a fair debate, but such was 
not the result. The disputation, which lasted through 
parts of two days, proved to be largely farcical. It 
consisted chiefly in addresses by the ministers, some- 
times didactic, sometimes hortatory, sometimes de- 
nunciatory, and all aimed at the condemnation of the 
little group of recalcitrant Baptists. 



79 

When the disputants met there was a long speech made by one 
of their opponents, showing what vile persons the Baptists were 
and how they acted against the churches and government here, 
and stood condemned by the Court. The Baptists desired liberty 
to speak, but they would not suffer them, but told them that they 
stood there as delinquents and ought not to have liberty to speak. 
Then they desired that they might choose a moderator as well as 
they ; but this they denied them.' 

There seemed nothing left for them to do, except 
to remain silent and listen to whatever the ministers 
might choose to say. At the close of this singular 
debate, Mr. Jonathan Mitchel, the minister at Cam- 
bridge, pronounced the dreadful anathema of Deut. 
17 : 8-12 against them, the closing words of which 
are : " And the man that will do presumptuously, and 
will not hearken unto the priest that standeth to 
minister there, before the Lord thy God, or unto the 
judge, even that man shall die, and thou shalt put 
away the evil from Israel." Thus ended this fair de- 
bate. In the records of the First Church, Roxbury, 
is this naive entry : 

14 & 15, 2 m 1668. A public Disputation by order of y e 
Council for y e conviction of Tho. Goole, John Farnham, sen, 
Tho. Osborn & their company, who schismatically withdrew from 
y e comunion of these churches & set up another assembly in y e 
way of anabaptism & boldly intermeddled with those institutions 
of y e L d Jesus w ch are proper to office trust, showing that their 
practise is not justifiable by y e word of God, nor to be allowed by 
y e government of this jurisdiction. 2 

The whole purpose of ministers and Court evidently 

1 Benedict, "History," p. 384. 

2 Transcribed by Rev. James De Normandie, minister of First 
Church, Roxbury. 



8o 

was not to convince by reason and the Scriptures, but 
to overpower by authority and to awe by haughty 
threatenings. This entry occurs in Capt. Hull's 
Diary : 

April 1 8, 1668. This General Court of Election, Thomas 
Goold, William Turner, John Farnum were called before them : 
asked whether, after all pains taken to convince them of their 
evils, they would lay down their assemblings and cease profaning 
the holy ordinances — the supper and baptism ; but with great 
obstinacy they professed themselves bound to continue in these 
ways and were ready to seal it with their blood. 

Men who had already suffered so much could not 
now be put down by a show of authority, and threats 
were not persuasive. When the Court met in Boston 
on May 7 following, it proceeded to the next and oft- 
used argument : 

Whereas the Council did, in March last, for their further con- 
viction, appoint a meeting of divers elders, and required the said 
persons to attend the said meeting, which was held here in Bos- 
ton, with a great concourse of people, the effect whereof hath not 
been prevalent with them as we could have desired, . . this 
Court, being sensible of their duty to God and the country, and 
being desirous that their proceedings in this great cause might be 
clear and regular, do order that the said Goold and company be 
required to appear before this Court, that the Court may under- 
stand from themselves, whether upon the means used or other 
considerations, they have altered their former declared resolution, 
and are willing to desist from their former offensive practice, that 
accordingly a meete and effectual remedy may be applied to so 
dangerous a malady. 

When the Baptists appeared in Court, they declared 
their views to be unaltered, whereupon the Court pro- 
ceeds : 



8i 

Whereas Thomas Goold, William Turner and John Farnum, 
Senior, obstinate and turbulent Anabaptists, have some time since 
combined themselves with others in a pretended church estate, 
without the knowledge and approbation of the authority here es- 
tablished, to the great grief and offense of the godly orthodox, 
etc., . . this Court do judge it necessary that they be removed 
to some other part of this country, or elsewhere, and according 
doth order that they remove themselves out of this jurisdiction 
before July 20 th next. 1 

If they were found after that date in the colony, 
they were to be arrested and put in prison, without 
bail, until they should give sufficient security that 
they would banish themselves. They were forbidden 
to hold any meetings before the time of their final 
banishment, or to exercise any ecclesiastical functions. 
Not more than two of their friends, at any one time, 
were allowed to visit them in prison. But the Coun- 
cil had to deal with men as determined as themselves. 
The Baptists were men of English stock and English 
tradition as well as the magistrates, and, in addition, 
were reinforced in their resoluteness by profound con- 
victions founded upon the Holy Scriptures. They 
neither banished themselves from Massachusetts nor 
refrained from holding their religious assemblies. 
That passionate love of liberty which has always 
been characteristic of Baptists in every land made 
them ready to die for it, but never ready to surrender 
matters of faith and spiritual life to the tyranny of 
civil authority. They were soon arrested and thrust 
into prison, from which, after some months of weary 
waiting, they sent the following manly and touching 
letter to the Court : 



t 



Massachusetts Records. 



82 

Oct. 14, 1668. Honored Sirs : After the tenders of our service 
according to Christ, his command, to yourselves and the country, 
we thought it our duty and concernment to present $-our honors 
with these few lines, to put you in remembrance of our bonds : 
and this being the twelfth week of our . imprisonment, we should 
be glad if it might be thought to stand with the honor and safety 
of the country, and the present government thereof, to be now at 
liberty. For we doe hereby seriously profess that as far as we are 
sensible or know anything of our own hearts, we do prefer their 
peace and safety above our own, however we have been repre- 
sented otherwise : and wherein we differ in point of judgment, we 
humbly beseech you let there be a bearing with us, till you shall 
reveal otherwise to us : For there is a spirit in man and the inspi- 
ration of the Almighty giveth them understanding. Therefore, if 
we are in the dark, we dare not say that we doe see or understand 
till the Lord shall clear things up to us. And to him, we can ap- 
peal to clear up our innocence as touching the government both 
in our civil and church affairs, that it was never in our hearts to 
think of doing the least wrong to either ; but have and, we hope 
by your assistance, shall always endeavor to keep a conscience 
void of offence toward God and man : And if it shall be thought 
meet to afford us our liberty, that we may take that care, as be- 
comes us, of our families, we shall engage ourselves to be always 
in a readiness to resign up our persons to your pleasure. Hoping 
your honors will be pleased seriously to consider our condition, we 
shall commend both you and it to the wise disposing and blessing 
of the Almighty, and remain your honors faithful servants in what 
we may, 

Tho : Goold 
Will : Turner 
John Farnam. 1 

This petition, whose words and spirit do not seem 
like those of turbulent and seditious men, did not 
bring their release, nor did their imprisonment make 
the authorities relent in their persecuting quest after 

1 "Mass. Archives." 



83 

other members of the church. It is easy to guess 
that the members of this flock gathered from day to 
day in their accustomed meeting-place to pray that 
the prison doors might be opened and their beloved 
leaders be set at liberty. They would read over again 
the story of the Apostle Peter's imprisonment as told 
in the Acts, and like the early disciples would offer 
" prayer without ceasing " unto God for them. The 
Council became aware of such meetings and forth- 
with issued the following warrant : 

To the constable of Charles-Towne. 

Whereas it is credibly reported that there is a company of 
persons who ordinarily meete on ye Sabbath Dayes within ye 
limits of y or Towne (turning their backs on ye Publique assemblys 
for the worship of the Lord according to his holy institutions here 
established) in a schismattical way & contempt of ye order of ye 
generale court that have prohibited them therein. In his Ma'y 
name you are required from time to time to repayre to ye place of 
their meeting and take y er names of such as you shall find mett 
together and if any shall refuse to give you their names, you are 
to app r hend them & bring them before ye next magr. to be pro- 
ceeded ag 1 as ye law requireth & hereof you are to make a true 
return under y or hand & into jailor. 

Dat. 24, 8, 1668. Edw. Rawson, Sect. 1 

How watchful the constables had been, and how 
they invaded the privacy of homes, the following re- 
turn will show : 

Charlestowne 13. (9) : 68. 
Wee whose names are hereunto subscribed having receyved a 
warrant from Mr. Rawson the order of the Counsell to take the 
names of all such persons as shall schismaticalie meete one the 
Sabath Daye : in pursuance whereof wee did one the Sixth Day in 

1 "Mass. Archives," Vol. X., p. 224. 



8 4 

J. repayre unto the house of Thomas Golde, wheare wee founde 
assembled together in theire exercises at the tyme off the publique 
assembly in the afternoone time, 

Thomas Osborne 
Steaphen Baker 
Enoch Greenliefe Junr 
. The wife of Tho : Golde 

r Constables. and severall of the family. 1 



Jo : Wayman 
Richard Lowden 



Goold, Turner, and Farnum were in prison and 
could not meet with their friends and fellow-disciples 
at home in their simple worship. In October we find 
them still missing from the little circle of worshipers, 
as appears : 

Wee whose names are hereunto subscribed having received warrant 
from Mr Rawson in the name of the counsell dat. October 24, 68, for 
the preventing of schismatticall meetings in Charlestowne one the 
Sabbath Daye, In pursuance whereof one the 25 of Oct did repayre 
unto the howse of Thomase Goolde : And in the waye neare the 
saide howse wee did meete with Osborn and hys wife : who saied 
unto us that they had beene at Thomas Goolde hys howse at meet- 
inge : and that theire meetinge was unto the saide Gooldes howse : 
wee found their Obaddiah Hoames of Roade Island (as he saide 
hys name was) And also Benanuel Bowers, Jonathan Buncer and 
Steaphen Baker of Charlestowne : and Enoch Greenleefe Sean r 
And Mary hys wife and Enoch Greenleife Jun r of Maiden. Thys 
was in the tyme of the publique assembly at Charlestowne one the 
Sabbath Daye in the after part of itt. 



Jo:Wvman \ Constables.* 

Richard Lowden ) 



It is interesting to find Obadiah Holmes once more 
on Massachusetts soil, from which he had been driven 
in 1 65 1, after his cruel whipping, and warning not to 

1 "Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 2 Ibid. 



85 

set foot on it again. The Newport Church was not 
indifferent to the sufferings of their Boston brethren, 
and it would afford no little cheer and courage to see 
and hear Holmes, who himself had been so heroic a 
sufferer for the faith. He had come to strengthen his 
brethren in this time of their trial. He was fright- 
ened by the officers of the law as little as were his 
fellow-disciples. It is not known whether or not the 
authorities disturbed him during this fraternal visit 
to the church which met in Goold's home. 

In November, 1668, the Court received a petition 
signed by sixty-five persons of standing in the colony, 
whose sympathies were aroused by the sufferings of 
the Baptist prisoners. That the prisoners did suffer 
is evident from the fact that Goold, Drinker, Turner, 
and Russell had each been at death's door through 
the rough treatment which they received in jail. 
They survived their liberation, but remained with 
broken health for a few years only, when death 
brought them release. All of them died in the prime 
of life and were truly martyrs for their faith. This 
petition for a surcease of persecution and a release of 
the prisoners was treated very haughtily by the Court. 
The following is their petition : 

Whereas, by the censure of this honorable Court, Thomas 
Goold, William Turner, and John Farnum now lie in prison de- 
prived of their liberty, taken off from their callings, separated 
from their wives and children, disabled to govern or to provide for 
their families, to their great damage and hastening ruin, how inno- 
cent soever : besides the hazard of their own lives, being aged and 
weakly men, 1 and needing that succor a prison will not afford: 

1 They were not aged in years. Sufferings had aged them. 



86 

the sense of this, their personal and family most deplorable and 
afflicted condition, hath sadly affected the hearts of many sober 
and serious minded Christians, and such as neither approve of 
their judgment or practice ; especially considering that the men are 
reputed godly and of a blameless conversation : and the things for 
which they seem to suffer seem not to be moral, unquestioned, 
scandalous evils, but matters of religion and conscience : not in 
things fundamental, plain, clear, but circumstantial, more dark 
and doubtful, wherein the saints are wont to differ, and to forbear 
one another in love, that they be not exposed to sin or to suffer 
for conscience sake. We therefore most humbly beseech this 
honored Court in their Christian mercy and bowels of compassion, 
to pity and relieve these poor prisoners, & etc. 1 

Some of the signers of this petition were among 
the leading citizens, nevertheless they were compelled 
humbly to acknowledge their fault before the Court, 
and after severe reprimand were fined for thus plead- 
ing for clemency. Among those whom the Court 
fined was Benjamin Sweetser, whose fine was ten 
pounds. This fine seems to have had a decisive effect 
upon him, for not long after he united with the Bap- 
tists, and remained through life a steadfast and useful 
member. The Court thus put itself on record not 
only as sternly determined to punish Baptists, but also 
to punish those who showed sympathy or appealed 
for mercy toward them. It was the same spirit which 
had impelled the Court, seventeen years earlier, to 
punish John Hazael and John Spurr for speaking 
kindly and with compassion to Obadiah Holmes 
when the executioner's lash cut into his quivering 
and bleeding flesh, as he stood tied to the whipping 

1 Ford, "New England Struggles," also "Mass. Archives," Vol. X., 
p. 221. 



87 

post on account of his Baptist faith. There had been 
little or no relenting during all the intervening years. 
The continual news of these severe measures caused 
much commotion in England and no little uneasiness 
withal. The same treatment which they were meas- 
uring out so lavishly to Baptists in New England 
might possibly be measured out in the same measure 
to Congregationalists in Old England. Baptists were 
dissenters in the new world, Congregationalists were 
dissenters in the old world, and the Church of Eng- 
land was not greatly disposed to be tolerant of dissent. 
The principle of coercion in matters of faith which 
the Puritans were so rigorously applying in the 
colony was a two-edged sword, whose application in 
England would be fraught with grave calamity to 
them. Hence the leading Congregational ministers 
of London began to remonstrate earnestly with their 
brethren in Boston upon the shortsightedness and the 
peril of their present procedure. Remonstrance 
proved to be of little avail. A letter dated March 
25, 1669, and signed by Drs. Goodwin, Owen, and 
eleven others of the foremost Puritan ministers of 
England, was sent to the governor, and stated plainly 
that they themselves were put in peril of persecution, 
because of the occasion given to their enemies 
through the action of their brethren in Massachusetts 
in their severities toward Baptists. They expressed as 
strong dissent as their New England brethren from 
the doctrines of Baptists, but declared it to be a matter 
of prudence and of safety for themselves not to perse- 
cute them further. 1 Even this appeal did not prove 

1 Letter in Backus' "Hist.," Vol. I., p. 314. 



88 

dissuasive enough to arrest proceedings. Cotton 
Mather says : "I cannot say that this excellent letter 
had immediately all the effect it should have had." * 

John Farnum, one of the three prisoners, was ad- 
mitted a freeman of Boston, May 13, 1640. He united 
with the North Church (Second Church) in Boston, 
under Mr. Mayo and Dr. Mather. He was put under 
discipline in 1665 for his sympathies with Baptists, in 
whose assemblies he was often found. Some time in 
the summer of 1666 he united with them, and soon 
fell under the ban of the common persecution. He 
was publicly excommunicated from the North Church, 
which had spent much labor and patience in disci- 
plining and endeavoring to reclaim him. The ac- 
count of it in their record, in the handwriting of 
Increase Mather, is almost as long as the account of 
Goold's discipline in the Charlestown Church record. 
He remained with the Baptists for some years, but 
afterward withdrew from them, and was restored to 
the North Church in 1683. He w 7 as a man of quick 
and ungoverned temper, which gave his brethren, in 
whatever church he w r as, much trouble. , In October, 
1668, he wrote from his prison a petition praying to 
be released, and agreeing " to attend the hearing of 
the word preached in the publike assemblys each 
Lord's day, sickness or the like not hindering." 2 
Imprisonment had overcome his steadfastness, and 
made him ready to purchase release at any price. It 
is the only case of its kind in our records. He was 
unlike Robert Lambert, one of the constituent mem- 

1 "Magnalia," Bk. VII., pp. 27, 28. 

2 "Mass. Archives," Vol. X., p. 224. 



89 

bers, who, when the Court, in May, 1668, demanded 
whether he would cease attending the Baptist meet- 
ings, replied that he was " determined to continue in 
that way and was ready to seal it with his blood." 
Farnum obtained his release, but Goold and Turner 
were kept in prison until March, 1669, a period of 
almost a year. The prisons of that time had few points 
of likeness to the comfortable prisons of modern times. 
Usually the prisoners were obliged to provide their 
own food, and for this they were dependent on friends 
and relatives. Their repeated petitions at last de- 
cided the Council to allow them " liberty for three 
days to visit their families and also to apply them- 
selves to any that are able and orthodox, for 
their further convincement of their many irregulari- 
ties." 1 They were to return again at the end of 
three days to their prison. The Council evidently 
regarded their " convincement " as of far greater im- 
portance than their " visit to their families." It ap- 
pears that they did not return to the prison, for in 
this same month (March, 166 -§-) I find two search 
warrants were issued for the apprehension of Goold 
in Charlestown. They did not find him, for he used 
his liberty to remove himself and his family to 
Noddle's Island and out of the jurisdiction of Charles- 
town and Boston. Turner also escaped, but was 
apprehended again in January, 1670 (probably on a 
visit to his house in Boston), and was returned to the 
jail. Goold did not remove from his Charlestown 
home until after March 7, 1669, as the following con- 
stables' returns show : 

1 Backus, Vol. I., p. 315. Note. 



9 o 

We, the constables of Carls-town, Referring to a warant from 
the counsell at Boston under Mr. Rosin's [Rawson] hand dated 
ocktober, 68 : Requesting us to look after persons meting togither 
upon the Lord' s Day in a disorderly way & to Return the nams of 
which, we gooing to Thomas Goold' s hous upon the sevinth day 
of March 6 f which wos the Sabeth day we found thes as fow- 
lous : 

Thomas Goold & his wif 

Nathanell howerd & his wif 

Benjamin Swicher 

Stiving Backes 

Jonathan Nuell 

Josif Shapeys wif 

of boston W m Turner 

& five of his children 
Edward Drincker 
Goode gockelling 

of woborn 
John Johnson 
John Russell 

When we came into the hous John Johnson was exorting the 

pepell : After he had don Thomas Goold spack from that place 

in first of the canticells the seckond vers let him kis me with the 

kisis of his mouth & then went to prayer & so ended. They said 

it was att 2 of ye clock when they went thither to Th : Goolds 

hous. 

... , -, „ s Richard Lowden 1 ~ . , 7 , 

Attested. 7. 2, 69. \ Constables. 1 

John Knight J 

The vigilance of these officers is more noteworthy 
than the accuracy of their spelling. I have allowed 
them to give their account literally in their own lan- 
guage. It is of especial interest because it is the only 
description (which is known) of the very simple form 

1 " Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 



9 1 

of worship of these much-hunted disciples. They had 
no singing, perhaps lest it should attract too much 
attention, and yet they made no secret of their meeting 
together. One or two of them exhorted from the 
Scriptures, a prayer or two was offered, and they sepa- 
rated. They were not dependent on the presence of 
a minister. They believed that every individual 
should have liberty of utterance in their social 
gatherings. They had an elder who usually preached 
and administered the ordinances in an orderly way, but 
if the elder were necessarily absent, some lay brother 
was called on to preach or exhort in his place. This 
worship and organization was the heresy which so 
agitated the whole government that it used its 
power to the utmost, even far beyond legal limits, to 
crush it. It is probable that the very simplicity and 
flexibility of the organization preserved it from utter 
destruction. It did not depend on any one man. 
Any one might expound the Scriptures to the others. 
Any one might pray in their assembly. Whoever of 
their number might be in prison, or absent for other 
cause, there was always some one present and ready 
to lead their service of worship. It was this fact 
which proved so baffling to the authorities in attempt- 
ing to suppress the church. However many of their 
number might be under arrest, they were still never 
without leaders. The coming together at Goold's 
house week after week, while the father and head 
was still in prison, always gave their meetings a 
pathos, a tenderness, and a purpose which stimulated 
rather than paralyzed them. His house remained the 
meeting place to which members and adherents came 



92 

from Boston, Woburn, Maiden, Newbury and Charles- 
town, until his removal to Noddle's Island in the 
spring of 1669. In April of this same year the fol- 
lowing warrant was issued, and led to the imprison- 
ment of another member of the church : 

To the Marshall of Suff. 
In his Majies name, you are required to warne and bring Edw. 
Drinker before mee at my house in Cambr. to answer for his 
assembling with Thomas Goold & Company on the Lord's Day in 
March last, contrary to the order of the Genii Court & hereof you 
are to make a true returne under yo r hand & not to faile. 
Dat. 1. 2. 1669. 

Thos : Danforth, Assist. 1 

The memorable meeting in March at Goold's house, 
where they had met to welcome him home from his 
long imprisonment, and pray and rejoice together, and 
of which the constables' account has already been 
given, proved to be the last meeting held in Charles- 
town for a long time. Henceforth they met on 
Noddle's Island. From his prison, Edward Drinker, 
who was a potter by trade, sent the following peti- 
tion : 

The humble petition of Edward Drinker prisoner at boston to 
the honored Court assembled and sitting at Cambridge showeth, 
that whereas as your petitioner was so suddenly taken and com- 
mitted, having a great passell of weare by mee made but not 
burnt nor have I any person that is able to doe that work for mee, 
considering the casualty of it, if not burnt, but more especially 
the great want the country stands in of it. My request to the 
honored Court is that you would please to grant mee but two days 
Liberty to perfect that work upon giveing security to the keeper 

1 "Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 



93 

and returning to the prison every night. I shall acknowledge my 
thankfulness to youre honors and pray for youre welfare. 

Your pore petitioner in bonds 
From boston prison Edward Drinker. 1 

6 th 2. mo 1669. 

It is not known that they granted his petition. He 
remained a prisoner until some time in the following 
year, when he wrote the following letter to Dr. John 
Clarke and his church at Newport : 

Beloved Brethren and Sisters : I most heartily salute you 
all in our dear Lord, who is our alone Savior in all our troubles, 
that we his poor members are exercised with for his name's sake. 
And blessed be God our Father, that has given us such a High 
Priest, that was touched with the feeling of our infirmities, which 
is no small comfort to the souls of his poor suffering ones ; the 
which, through grace, the Lord hath been pleased to make us in 
some (small) measure partakers of. And at this present our dear 
brother William Turner, a prisoner for the Lord" s cause in Bos- 
ton, has some good experience of, both of that which Paul desired, 
to be conformable to our Lord in his sufferings, and also of the 
promises of our Lord, in the giving forth (of) the comfort of his 
Spirit, to uphold us all, for that he is sensible of the sufferings of 
his poor members, and is ready to give forth supplies as are most 
suitable to such a condition as he calls his to. Friends, I sup- 
pose you have heard that both he and brother Goold were to be 
taken up ; but only brother Turner is yet taken and has been 
about a month in prison. Warrants are in two marshals' hands 
for brother Goold also, but he is not yet taken, because he lives 
on Noddle's Island, and they only wait to take him at town (but 
he comes not over). The cause why they are put in prison is the 
old sentence of the General Court in '68, because they would not 
remove themselves. There were six magistrates' hands to the 
warrant to take them up, viz, Mr. Bradstreet, Major Denison, 
Thomas Danforth, Captain Gookin, Major Willard and Mr. Pin- 

1 "Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 



94 

chon. But all the deputies of the Court voted their liberty, ex- 
cept one or two at most, but the magistrates carry against all ; 
and because some others of the magistrates were absent, and 
some that were there were Gallio-like, as one Mr. R. B. G. 1 But 
blessed be the Lord who takes notice of what is done to his poor 
servants, though men little regard. The town and country is very 
much troubled at our troubles ; and especially the old church in 
Boston, and their elders, both Mr. Oxonbridge and Mr. Allen 
have labored abundantly, I think as if it had been for their best 
friends in the world. Many more gentlemen and solid Christians 
are for our brother' s deliverance ; but it cannot be had ; a very 
great trouble (is it) to the town ; and they had gotten six magis- 
trates' hands for his deliverance, but could not get the Governor' s 
hand to it. . . Some say one end is, that they may prevent 
others coming out of England ; therefore they would discourage 
them by dealing with us ; a sad thing if so, when God would have 
Moab be a refuge for his banished ones, and that Christians will 
not. But God will be a refuge for his, which is our comfort We 
keep our meeting at Noddle's Island, every First-day, and the 
Lord is adding some souls to us still, and is enlightening some 
others ; the priests are much enraged. The Lord has given us 
another elder, 2 one John Russell, senior, a gracious, wise, and holy 
man that lives at Woburn, where we have five brethren near that 
can meet with him ; and they meet together First-days when they 
cannot come to us, and I hear there are some more there looking 
that way with them. Thus, dear friends, I have given you an ac- 
count of our troubles, that you may be directed in your prayers to 
our God for us ; as also of the goodness of God to us, and the 
proceedings of his good work in our hands, both to our, and I 
doubt not, to your joy and comfort. That God may be glorified 
in all, is our earnest desire and prayer to Goi, in all his dispen- 
sations to us. Brother Turner' s family is very weakly and himself 
to. I fear he will not trouble them long ; only this is our comfort, 
we hear if he dies in prison, they say they will bury him. And 
thus, my dear friends, I desire we may be remembered in your 

1 Governor Bellingham. 
2 Evidently a teaching elder. He was never pastor of the church. 



95 

prayers to our Heavenly Father, who can do abundantly above 
what we can ask or think ; to whom I commend you all, and rest, 
your friend and brother, 

Edward Drinker. 
November 30, 1670. 

In October, 1670, six magistrates signed a warrant 
to " Marshall Genrll or his Deputy of Suffolk'' " to 
apprehend the body of Thomas Goold and commit 
him to prison." * He was not found, and for unknown 
reasons the marshal did not go over to Noddle's 
Island, where he now lived, to arrest him. The war- 
rant remained in readiness for his arrest, if he should 
at any time venture into Boston. William Turner 
was rearrested in January, 1670, and thrust again into 
prison, from which he sends the following petition : 

To the honored General Court now sitting at boston the humble 
address of Will : Turner now prisoner at boston sheweth that 
whereas it hath pleased some of the honored maistrates to issue 
out A warrant for the apprehending of my body and committing 
mee to prison, and there to remayne according to A sentence of A 
general Court the 29 th of April, 1668, youre poore prisoner doth 
therefore humbly beseech you to consider that by vertue of that 
sentence I have already suffered Above thirty weekes imprison- 
ment and that A whole winter season which was a greate prejudice 
to my health and distraction to my poore family & which I hope 
this honored (Court) will consider with the weaknes of my body 
and the extremity of lying in prison in A cold winter whitch may 
be to the utter ruine of my headles family : And withal to con- 
sider my readiness to serve this country to the uttermost of my 
ability in all civil things, the maine difference being only in faith 
and order of which God only can satisfie A poore soul. Thus 
hoping this honored Court will take it into their serious consider- 
ation and extend their mercy as becomes the servants of Christ, I 

1 "Mass. Archives," Vol. X., p. 227. 



96 

shall leave both my state and condition and honored Court to the 
wise disposing of the Almighty, remaining yours to serve you in 
all faithfulness to my power. 

Will : Turner. 1 
boston prison this 27 th of 8 mo 1670. 

This petition was of no avail, for in December he 
is still found in prison. Baptist petitioners did not 
receive welcome or hearing at Court. The church 
was now meeting on Noddle's Island, and the ma- 
jority of its members were for a little time unmolested. 
They had no thought of abandoning Boston or of 
surrendering their purpose of establishing their church 
on its soil, but their assemblies for worship were less 
liable to be disturbed and broken up by officers of the 
Court when they met on Noddle's Island. Every 
Lord's Day, members from Boston, Charlestown, and 
Woburn might be seen rowing across the harbor to 
their chosen meeting-place, where they might remain 
unmolested during a quiet hour of devotion and 
worship. 

1 "Mass. Archives," Vol. X., p. 228. 



CHAPTER VI 

Thomas Goold. Sufferings of the Russells. 

John Russell, Jr., the Second Pastor. 

Catholic Spirit of the Church. 

Baxter's Pamphlet. Be- 

nanuel Bowers. 



VI 

The year 1670 was one of comparative quiet for 
the church. Their meetings were not watched by 
the officers of the Court with the same vigilance as 
when they were held in Charlestown. William 
Turner was, indeed, for some part of the year in Bos- 
ton jail. Probably the greatest anxiety of the church 
was in behalf of Pastor Goold, who was for some 
time near to death as a result of the hardships which 
he had endured. There is no record of his ordi- 
nation nor of his call to the headship of the church. 
He was probably called to be their pastor at their 
organization. It was he who administered the lord's 
Supper and who took charge of their assemblies for 
worship. The brunt of persecution fell on him be- 
cause he was the leader. His name appears first in 
all constables' warrants and jury indictments of this 
early period. He was notably their foremost man and 
was singularly fitted by temperament and personal 
qualities for his arduous work. He had the simplicity 
of character which is characteristic of a strong man, 
and the serenity of temper which is the result of im- 
movable convictions and a balanced mind. He re- 
mained pastor for ten years, until his death, October 
2 7) 1675. The following extract from a letter writ- 
ten by Benjamin Sweetser to the church in New- 
port in 167 1 gives some details of the situation of 
the church : 

99 



IOO 

Brother Turner has been near to death, but through mercy is 
revived, and so has our pastor, Goold. The Lord make us truly 
thankful, and give us hearts to improve them, and those liberties 
we yet enjoy that we know not how soon may be taken from us. 
The persecuting spirit begins to stir again. Elder Russell and his 
son, and brother Foster, are presented to the Court that is to be 
this month. We desire your prayers for us, that the Lord would 
keep us, that we may not dishonor that worthy name Ave have 
made profession of, and that the Lord would still stand by us, and 
be seen amongst us, as he has been in a wonderful manner in 
preserving of us until this day. 1 

In this year the authorities began to turn their 
attention toward the Baptists in Woburn and Billerica, 
and to attempt their suppression. As early as 1666, 
the Court had warned John Russell, Jr., John John- 
son, and others, for " turning their back on ye orde- 
nance of Baptisme." 2 In 1667 and again in 1668, 
they were indicted and presented by the Grand Jury 
of Middlesex County. 2 Again, in April, 1670, it re- 
ported to the Court : 

Wee present Thomas Golde and hys wife, Thomas Osborne and 
hys wife, Benanuel Bowers and hys wife, and Steaphen Baker 
for non frequenting the publique ordinance upon the Sabbath 
Daye in Charlestowne. 2 Wee present George Farlowe, Thomas 
Foster, William Hamlett, for that they frequently departe out of 
the meetinge howse when the ordinance of Baptisme is adminis- 
tered. (Bilerrakea. ) 2 

Also they present " John Johnson of Woburn, wife 
of Enoch Greenliefe of Maiden, John Hoare of Con- 
cord." 3 These were Baptists and attended the Bap- 
tist meeting in Boston. Hitherto the Court had not 

1 Backus, "Hist.," Vol. I., p. 319. 
2 "Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 3 "Woburn Town Records." 



IOI 

brougnt women under indictment, but " the wife of 
Enoch Greenliefe of Maiden " seems to have espe- 
cially excited their ire by her Baptist zeal. The most 
conspicuous persons indicted were the two Russells, 
father and son. John Russell, Jr., had been baptized 
into this church prior to 1669, and John Russell, Sr., 
at some time soon after that date. The latter was a 
resident of Woburn as early as 1640. For several 
years consecutively he was chosen to fill the respon- 
sible office of "Sealer of Leather." He was select- 
man of the town in 165 2-1 656. In 1664 he was one 
of a committee appointed by the town to perform the 
difficult and delicate task of making an equitable 
distribution of the town lands among the proprietors. 
His fellow-townsmen thus recognized the fair and 
judicial qualities of his character. In 1664 he was 
chosen a deacon of the Congregational church in 
Woburn. About 1669 he became an avowed Baptist, 
and united with this church. He continued to live 
in Woburn until his death, June 1, 1676. His will 
is dated May 27, 1676. 1 "June 20, 1676. Adminis- 
tron on ye estate of Jno. Russell, Sen r , late of 
Oborne deced was granted unto his relict widow 
Elizab : Russell." 2 "John Russell the Anabaptist 
dyed, 1. 4. '76." 3 In 1670 he is called Elder Russell, 
and it is known that he gathered around him a con- 
siderable group of brethren in Woburn and Billerica, 
and preached to them on the Lord's Day when it was 
inconvenient for them to meet with the church in 

1 "Woburn Town Records." 

2 "Middlesex Court Record," Vol. III., p. 143. 

3 "Record of Woburn Deaths," Vol. II., p. 35. 



102 

Boston. At times also he preached to the church it- 
self when Pastor Goold was unable to fill his office. 
He seems to have been a u teaching elder," but was 
never pastor of the church. He is called " a gracious, 
wise, and holy man," and was greatly beloved by his 
fellow-disciples. He was a patient, quiet, sagacious 
man, who bore his trials with an equable and Chris- 
tian temper. In April, 1671, he was ordered "by the 
Marshall to appear before the Court sitting in Cam- 
bridge." He appeared, but his answer was unsatis- 
factory, and he was formally presented by the Grand 
Jury, October 3, 1671 : 

John Russell Seno r for renowncing communion w th the church 
of Christ in Wooburne whereof he is A member : this declared 
by his frequent of late absenting himself from ye publick minis- 
try of ye word on ye L s Day in ye place where he dwells & when 
present, if infant baptisme administered then turning his back 
thereon : refusing to partake w th his bretheren there (viz, in Woo- 
burn) in ye L : Supp : joining himself to Another Society comonly 
called Anabaptistes : there taking office power as appeares by his 
(after their manner) casting out of John Johnson not long since 
A member of that Society. 1 

John Russell, Jr., was also presented at the same 
time. These presentments hung over them until 
December 19, 1671, when: 

John Russell Sen r appearing before the Court to answ r the 
p r sentm t of the grand jury for renouncing comunion with the 
church of Ch 1 in that place, whereof he is a member, and this 
declared of late by his frequent absenting himselfe from the 
Publ : ministry of God' s word on the Lords Dayes and turneing 
his back on the holy ordinance of baptisme and refuseing to par- 
take with the church in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, 

1 " Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 



103 

joyneing himselfe to the schismattical assembly of the anabap- 
tists and taking office power among them. . . Hee the said 
Russell confessed the p r sentm t and the Court considering the 
nature of his Indictment and the form r endeavours legally used 
for his conviction and reformation, and y l by his obstinacy therein 
he hath made himselfe lyable to ye judgment and sensure of the 
Court of Assistants, do order that he give bond in ten pounds to 
appear at the next Court of Assistants, to answ r the above 
p r sentm t and that he stands comitted until this order be fulfilled. l 

He appeared in due time before the Court of As- 
sistants, and the sentence, as might be expected, was 
as follows : 

Att A Court of Assistants held at Boston 5 March, i6y\ John 
Russell of Woborne being bound over to this Court by the County 
Court last at Charls Towne to Answer for renouncing Communion 
w th the Church of Christ there : whereof he is a member & joyn- 
ing himselfe w th the schismatticall church of Anabaptists & taking 
office power amongst them & he appeared before the Court & ac- 
knowledged that after many shrinkings in his own spirit he did 
joyne himselfe w th those called Anabaptists and tho under the feare 
of his owne weakness being presst & overcome by them, did ac- 
cept of & become a teaching office to them & that he had exer- 
cised official power amongst them & the society or meeting of 
Anabaptists so much declared against by the Generall Court wherof 
Thomas Goold is a pretended officer and that he the sayd Russell 
refusing also to promise for after time to refrayne frequenting the 
aforesayd disallowed meetings, this Court hath therefore upon 
consideration of the sayd Russells pernitious practise & obstinate 
profession to persist therein have Adjudged him to be comitted to 
the prison at Cambridg there to remayne w th out bayle or mainprise 
till the Generall Court take further order therein, unless in the 
meantime he doe engage by solemne promise to some two of the 
magistracy to desist from his Irregular Scanalous practice & At- 
tend the publick worship of God on the Lords Dayes in the place 

1 "Middlesex Court Record," Vol. III., p. 14. 
H 



104 

where he lives which he refusing to performe warrant Issued out 
for his comittment Accordingly. 

Edward Rawson, secretary. 1 

His defection from the Standing Order naturally 
aroused great interest in Woburn, where he had been 
deacon and selectman. He was a notable citizen, and 
consequently was pursued with greater rigor. He 
remained in the jail at Cambridge for several weeks, 
when he suffered a dangerous illness which he had 
contracted there. It was widely reported that he had 
died in the prison, but the following brief letter to 
the Newport Church gives the facts : 

I perceive you have heard as if our brother Russell had died in 
prison. Through grace he is yet in the land of the living, and 
out of prison bonds, but is in a doubtful way as to recovery of his 
outward health : but we ought to be quiet in the good will and 
pleasure of our God, who is only wise. I remain your loving 
brother, 

William Hamlit. 2 

Boston 14 of the 4 th month 1672 (O. S.) 

After this dangerous illness he was released from 
jail upon bail, and in October, 1672, he sends this 
letter- 
To the honoured generall Coart now assembled, your humble 
petitionour : whar as I being comited to prison at Cambrig by 
the honoured Coart of Assistance held at boston the 5. i. m 1672 
(O.S.) there to remaine untill the generall Coart should take 
further order, in which time of my Imprisonment it pleased God 
to exercise me with great sikness and lamnes upon which I was 
released under baile, for the recovery of my health ; the which God 
of his marcy hath in some measure restoared, though not yet free 

1 "Mass. Archives," Vol. X. 2 Backus, "Hist.," Vol. I., p. 320. 



105 

from the remainders of that ilnes sustained by my Imprisonment, 
and questionable whether ever I shall. My humble request is 
that your honours would be pleased to take my case Into your 
serious consideration and to put an isue to it, but in case it be not 
your pleasure to free me from the sentence, my request is that 
your honours would bee pleased to free those men that ware bound 
for me, of there bond. And I shall remain at your pleasure, 
Your prisonour, 

John Russell. 1 
15. 8. 1672 (O.S.) 

This request and petition were refused. 

John Russell, Jr., was also a resident of Woburn, 
and, like his father, was for some time the official 
"Sealer of feather " for the town. He may have 
been a cobbler, but there is no evidence whatever of 
it except the fact that he was a leather dealer, which 
would be very slight evidence indeed. He was a man 
of singular discretion and of a good education. His 
mother was the first wife of John Russell, Sr., both 
of whose wives were named Elizabeth. His father 
married the second Elizabeth in 1645. J onn Russell, 
Jr., was probably born in England prior to 1640. He 
married Sarah Champney, of Woburn, in 1661. He 
united with the Baptists previous to 1669, but the 
exact year is unknown. It was probably in 1667 or 
1668. He continued to reside in Woburn until 1679, 
when he removed to Boston, where he died December 
21, 1680. He was nominated "Teaching Elder" 
January 13, 1678, and was ordained pastor (the second 
pastor of the church) July 28, 1679, an office which 
he held a year and five months. His widow died in 

1 "Mass. Archives," Vol. X., p. 227. 



io6 

Woburn, April 25, 1696, 1 whither she removed after 
his death in Boston. He was a discreet, good, and 
useful man, and was very highly regarded by his 
brethren. When many false and vilifying charges 
against Baptists were being circulated in New Eng- 
land, and were also being carried to Old England, he 
wrote, as the representative of the church : 

A Brief Narrative of Some Considerable Passages Concerning 
the First Gathering and Further Progress of a Church of Christ in 
Gospel Order in Boston in New England, commonly (though 
falsely) called by the name of Anabaptists. 

It was published in London in 1680. It was to 
this pamphlet that Mr. Samuel Willard, minister of 
the Old South Church, at the request of his brother 
ministers, wrote an ungenerous reply, taunting Rus- 
sell with having no university education and there- 
fore with being unfit to be a minister. This pamphlet 
was entitled, " Ne Sutor ultra Crepidam" 2 (Cobbler, 
stick to your last). It is full of vituperation and tin- 
sustained charges, and is a fine specimen of an un- 
christian style of attack and debate, which happily 
has long since passed away. It is in strange contrast 
with the gentle, unadorned, and straightforward state- 
ment of the pamphlet to which he replies. Mr. 
Hubbard also indulges in the same kind of reply : 

One John Russell, a wedderdrop' d shoemaker . . . stitched up 
a small pamphlet . . . wherein he endeavors to clear the inno- 
cency of those commonly (though falsely he says) called Anabap- 
tists. Surely he was not well aware of the old adage, " Ne Sutor 

1 " Record of Woburn Deaths." 
2 In Boston Public Library. Prince Collection. 



107 

ultra Crepiaam, ' ' or else he would not have made such botching 
work. 

Captain Hull's Diary speaks of the death of " John 
Russell (21 Dec. 1680), a preacher to the Anabaptists, 
after a pamphlet of his in excuse of y m selves, accus- 
ing ye chs hear of persecutions." All historians have 
fallen into the error of calling John Russell, Sr., the 
second pastor of this church. Even Backus, who is 
singularly accurate, makes this mistake. The Senior 
Russell was a teaching elder in 1670, and exercised 
his office sometimes in Boston and sometimes in Wo- 
burn, where he lived. He died in 1676, as the "Wo- 
burn Town Records " show. 

In 1672 a revision of Massachusetts laws was made, 
and the doctrines of Baptists appear as " damnable 
heresies " and " notorious impieties." It was declared 
and ordered by the Court, among other things : 

That if any Christian within this jurisdiction shall go about to 
subvert and destroy the Christian faith and religion by broaching 
and maintaining any damnable heresies . . . viz, shall openly 
condemn or oppose the baptizing of infants, or shall purposely 
depart the congregation at the administration of that ordinance 
. . . every such person continuing obstinate therein, after due 
means of conviction, shall be sentenced to banishment. 

In the meantime presentments were continually 
before the Court, whose vigilance did not relax and 
whose warnings and threats were freely dispensed. 
"June 18, 1672, George Farley, Thomas Foster & 
W m Hamlet being p r sented for breach of ye Ecclesi- 
asticall lawes, they all confesse the p r sentm*, were 
admonished & ordered to pay \£. 6d. apeece." 1 

1 "Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 



io8 

"June 17, 1673, Thomas Osbourne and Benannel 
Bowers were fined 20 shillings and costs." l These 
were all residents of Woburn. 

In delightful contrast with this persistent severity 
was the spirit of this church as shown in the follow- 
ing official letter. There had arisen in the Newport 
Church some advocates of the observance of the 
seventh day as the Lord's Day, and the discussion 
had grown so sharp that a permanent division in the 
church was imminent, whereupon this letter was sent 
from " the church in or near Boston " to Newport to 
the brethren who were disposed to withdraw into a 
separate society : 

To brother William Hiscox, and the rest of our beloved breth- 
ren and sisters that observe the Seventh Day Sabbath with him, 
the Church of Christ in or near Boston sends greeting : Brethren, 
Beloved of the Lord : We, having had a view of the proceedings 
between yourselves and the church, cannot but be grieved to see 
how busy the adversary hath been, and how easily he hath pre- 
vailed upon the corruptions of our nature, to make breaches and 
divisions among those whom, we dare not but judge, are united 
unto one head, even Christ Jesus. And although we dare not 
judge your consciences in the observation of a day or days to the 
Lord, yet, brethren, your judging them that have so done, and we 
hope have not unadvisedly changed their minds, to be apostates, 
seems to our understandings to savor too much of a censorious 
spirit. And we, as brethren, made partakers of the same grace 
of God through the influence of his Holy Spirit, not being en- 
lightened in the observation of the Seventh day as a sabbath to 
the Lord, shall humbly beseech you all to put on bowels of mercy, 
and not to be so strait in your spirits towards others ; but con- 
sider, the only wise God giveth to each soul what measure of light 
and knowledge he pleaseth ; and it is he must give wisdom to im- 
prove that measure of knowledge so given, or else we shall make 
a bad improvement thereof. Now, brethren, we dare not justify 



109 

your action, nor the manner of the actions that have been be- 
tween you and the church : but should have been glad if it had 
been the good pleasure of the Lord that you could have borne 
each with other in the matter of difference, and so have left it for 
the Lord to reveal more light and knowledge to those that are yet 
in the dark. But may we not say we are all in the dark, and see 
and know but in part ? and the little part that any one knoweth, 
he is ready to conceive is the will of God, and so would have all 
to see with his eyes and to understand with his understanding ; 
and cannot patiently wait on the Lord till he shall make dis- 
coveries of it to his brethren ; so that our quick, narrow, and im- 
patient spirits are the cause of so many breaches and divisions 
amongst the citizens of Sion at this day. By all which we humbly 
desire the Lord may make you and us, and all the Lord' s people, 
to see the corruption of our natures that is yet unsubdued, that so 
we may all with sincerity of soul wait on him according to that 
measure of light and knowledge that each of us has received from 
him. And now, brethren, our desire is, if it may be the good 
pleasure of God, that this breach may be healed between you and 
the church. Our prayers shall be to the Lord for you, that each 
of you may be truly sensible, wherein you have so far departed 
from the law of brotherly love as to be an occasion of grief one to 
another, and to the Israel of God, and have given an occasion to 
the enemies to speak reproachfully of the ways of God ; not 
doubting but you will be willing to look back over all those actions 
past in these differences, and if you find anything contrary to the 
mind and will of God, be willing to own it both to God and his 
people. We shall leave you to his love and guiding, who is able 
to comfort you in all your tribulations, and to establish, strengthen 
and settle you ; to whom we leave you, and remain your poor un- 
worthy brethren, who should rejoice in your prosperity, both in 
spirituals and temporals. 

By the appointment of the church assembled, 

Thomas Goold, 
William Turner. 
Noddles Island, September i, 1672. John Williams. 1 

1 Backus, "Hist.," Vol. I., p. 325. 



no 

This delightful letter, which was undoubtedly com- 
posed by Thomas Goold, exhibits his broad charity, 
his clear intelligence of the measures of Christian 
liberty, his fraternal attitude toward those who differed 
from him in views of the Scripture teaching, and 
breathes a large and true Christian life. That kindly 
spirit of tolerance which the church under its first 
pastor exhibited has been characteristic of this church 
from that day to this, and has been illustrated at 
many crises of its long history. At the close of 1672 
Governor Bellingham died. He had been among the 
most severe and persistently hostile of all who were 
opposed to the Baptists. He would listen to no re- 
quest for leniency, either from themselves or from 
their friends. Such requests were usually the oc- 
casion for greater severities. He was succeeded by 
Governor Leverett, who was more tolerant of dissent, 
and whose views of religion were neither so narrow 
nor so sectarian. Under his administration open perse- 
cution ceased. The laws against Baptists were not 
enforced. After his death, the church, in appointing 
a day of thanksgiving, lament his departure and ex- 
press their sense of 

The Lord' s goodness in preserving our peace and liberty beyond 
all expectations : God having removed him, who was a friend 
to us in the authority, by reason of which our opposites have the 
greater advantage against us, who have not been wanting to do 
their endeavor to suppress us. 

It was in this brief time of comparative freedom 
from coercion by the civil power, and when ecclesi- 
astical enemies were lamenting the relaxing of effort 



Ill 

against dissenters, that some ingenious writer thought 
to keep alive the hostile feeling against Baptists " by 
as an unparalleled a piece of villany as ever was 
heard of." A pamphlet was published in London in 
1673, entitled : 

Mr. Baxter Baptized in Blotid, or A Sad History of the 
unparalleled Cruelty of the Anabaptists in New England. 
Faithfully relating the Cruel, Barbarous, and Bloudy Murther of 
Mr. Baxter an Orthodox minister who was killed by the Anabap- 
tists and his Skin most cruelly flead off from his Body, with an 
Exact Account of all the Circumstances and Particularities of this 
barbarous Murther. Published by his Mournful Brother, Benja- 
min Baxter, living in Fen church street London. 

This pamphlet was cried about the streets of Lon- 
don by hawkers, and was also sent to Boston. The 
author asks, " Dares any man affirm the Anabaptists 
to be Christians? For how can they be Christians 
who deny Christianity, deride Christ's Institution of 
Baptism, and scoffingly call it, Baby sprinkling, and in 
place thereof substitute their prophane Booby dip- 
ping ?" 1 " These wicked Sectarians deny this Sacra- 
ment and compel their adherents to renounce their 
Baptism, and to be dipt again in their prophane 
waters." 2 The author represents his brother as hav- 
ing removed to New England, and circumstantially 
relates how he met the Anabaptists in a public dis- 
putation in Boston, and worsted them in the debate 
so grievously that they were greatly enraged. By 
way of revenge they sent four ruffians, whose faces 
were concealed by vizors, to his house, a little way 
out of the town, who seized his wife and three 

~ ! P. I. 2 P. 3. 



112 

daughters, first cruelly whipped and then flayed him 
alive before his wife and children. They would not 
give the poor man time even to pray, but, taunting 
him with persecuting the Baptists, they left him to 
die, which he soon did. One of his daughters also 
died from her frightful experience. It is a graphic 
and grewsome recital of a bloody deed. The author 
concludes : 

I have penn' d and publish* d this Narrative in perpetuam rei me- 
moriam, that the world may see the Spirit and temper of these 
men, and that it may stand as an Eternal Memorial of their 
cruelty and hatred to all Orthodox Ministers, 1 

There were many ready to believe this extraordinary 
story, and it had wide circulation in London and in 
Boston. The excitement in the former city was great. 
Fortunately a merchant vessel arrived soon after from 
Boston, and both the master and the merchant owner, 
who was on board, denied that any such deed had 
taken place. They affirmed that there had been no 
such minister resident' in Boston within their memory, 
and they had lived there many years. They had 
heard no such news before sailing. These things 
they testified under oath. The officers of the London 
ward in which was Fen Church Street testified that 
no Mr. Baxter had lived there within their memory. 
Dr. Parker, chaplain to the archbishop of London, 
then confessed that he had been imposed upon in 
granting the license to publish. The King's Council 
ordered the sale of the pamphlet stopped. It is sup- 
posed that Doctor Parker himself was the author, and 

X P. 6. 



IJ 3 

took this method of exhibiting his rancor toward the 
Baptists. The prompt expose was all that saved the 
Baptists from violence from the populace. That so 
many people should have been ready to believe the 
story illustrates the intense hostility toward Baptists 
and also the profound ignorance concerning their true 
character. It also exhibits the illegal and unscrupu- 
lous methods of attack of which they were long the 
innocent victims. 

Benanuel Bowers had been closely associated with 
the members of this church through many years. He 
was a constant attendant upon their meetings, and 
was commonly known and treated as a Baptist. He 
never actually united with the church, but neverthe- 
less remained a steadfast supporter and defender of its 
interests. He was a resident in Billerica and in Cam- 
bridge. His name often appears in company with 
Goold, Osborne, and the others, in the record of arrests, 
fines, imprisonments, and banishments. The third 
and last section of an appeal which he made from the 
Cambridge Court to the Court of Assistants in Bos- 
ton, June 17, 1673, gives a graphic account of what 
he suffered. It is not likely that he would give an 
exaggerated account to the Court which had the 
whole record before it and could easily verify the 
truth or falsity of his statements : 

I have been formerly often sentenced at Cambridge & Charles- 
towne Court much after this manner of proceeding five or six 
times, fined imprisoned and three times whipt privately at the 
house of correction at Cambr. My hands being put in the irons 
of the whipping post for the execution which hard usidge did 
cause my neighbours hearing it to be so much, did desire me to 



ii 4 

let them see the signs of the stripes which I did, at which they 
were much troubled and grieved for my sore sufferings, and my 
Imprisonment was in ye dead & cold time of the winter and in 
seed time, and they kept me in prison too weekes and after that 
whip 1 me and sent me . . . and my maid servant which was hired 
for one year was forced away from my wife when she had five 
small children, one of them sucking, and against the maids own 
will and threatened by Capt. Gookin (the magistrate) if she would 
not goe away he would send her to the house of correction and 
also my wife have sufered much when I was in prision by coming 
to me in the extremity of the winter having noe maid, being desti- 
tute of any assistance or other help, and also my wife have bine 
forced to come to Court when she had lain in child bed but three 
weakes and condemned for contempt of authority in not coming to 
Court when she had laine in but three daies and my wife have 
bine likewise whipt upon the same account or pretense as I have 
bine and all this hath not satisfied the will and desires of some of 
my judges but do still continue their cruell proceedings against 
me mostly ever}- Court still ; Sz magistrate Danforth [of Cam- 
bridge] expressing his fur}- yet further in open Court against me 
saying unto me, if I be not hanged he would be hanged for me 
and many other high words and harde usage have I received from 
Cambridge magistrates which will be too tedious for to trouble 
this Court with ; this being the very truth w h before specified that 
hath bine my position hitherto to the best of my knowledge hav- 
ing bine very curcomspect in speaking nothing but the truth, and 
to conclude I have judged it my duty in conscience to make now 
this my appeale to this Court that this matter may be known to 
you & the world . . . whether this be charity according to the 
rules of Christ and according to the lawes of this jurisdiction, ac- 
cording to ye king of England' s lawes of liberty for all persons 
concerned in his dominions in matter of worshipping their God 
the w b have bine obsarved and is now practised continually to 
all his subjects to this time as well as are made known of by the 
late information we have received that they doe injoy their liberty 
and have that I am here denied but contrary am brought into bond 
and suffering very sore for worshipping of my God according to a 
good conscience, so committing myselfe to God and my judges in 



H5 

this matter for my deliverance from bond and which hitherto have 
bine my portion and shall pray to God to direct you in your pro- 
ceedings and subscribe myselfe your loving friend, 

Benanuel Bowers. 1 

This appeal is in a rarely beautiful handwriting, 
and its contents are such as to touch the hardest 
heart. It is not an overdrawn picture of the minute 
and petty persecutions, as well as the severer suffer- 
ings, which the Baptists were compelled to endure. 
Courts knew no mercy in their case, and if at any 
time they grew weary in the pursuit there were 
ecclesiastical foes ready to arouse their lagging zeal. 
The annual election sermon offered a favorite occa- 
sion for exhorting the magistrates to do their duty in 
suppressing the Baptists. These ministerial pro- 
ductions were usually exceedingly militant in their 
tone, and with fiery phrase and denunciatory epithet 
urged that the enemies of the elect orthodox people 
should be driven from the community by the civil 
powers. 2 One might infer from their exaggerated 
rhetoric that Baptists were a species of ravening 
wild beasts, which lay in hiding among them and 
were ready to spring forth at any moment to tear and 
to devour, rather than their own neighbors and fellow- 
citizens. The Cambridge judges at their next session, 
October, 1673, promptly answered the charges which 
Bowers had preferred against them to the Court of 
Assistants by fining him five pounds or to be sent to 
prison. 3 They thought thus to exonerate themselves 

1 "Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 

2 Vide, " Election Sermons," Prince Collection, Boston Public Library. 

3 "Middlesex Court Record," Vol. III., p. 79. 



n6 

and to dismiss these charges of their injustice, but, 
unhappily for their fame, the narrative of Bowers' 
sufferings has many tell-tale corroborations in the 
hidden archives of the Court, which the modern in- 
vestigator constantly unearths. No man can write 
the full story of what these early Baptists suffered in 
wintry prisons, in petty judicial persecution, in social 
ostracism, in incessant harassment, in unjust sus- 
picion, and in the danger which always hung over 
their households. The historian wearies in the re- 
cital of that sad story which the quaint and dingy old 
papers, letters, and manuscripts of that dreadful time 
now bring to the light of day. The foundations of 
this First Baptist Church were laid amid tears, an- 
guish, hope deferred, families broken asunder, homes 
compulsorily forsaken, property taken, good names 
aspersed, and a future which seemed to be arched with 
no bow of the promise of quiet and peace. Wives, 
with an unyielding courage, gave their husbands to 
the prison, and carried food to them through the drear 
New England winters, and ministered to them in 
patience and faith. Men were ready to suffer the loss 
of all things, but they were not ready to carry a 
fettered conscience. Such men and women as laid 
the foundations of this church might die, but they 
would never surrender their right to religious liberty. 
It is a picture of heroic endurance, which not even 
the annals of Plymouth Colony in 1620 can surpass. 
It was a struggle for freedom, the story of which can- 
not be told too often. Puritan severity was pitted 
against Baptist pluck. Puritan intolerance was con- 
tending against the English and Christian love of 



ii7 

liberty. Puritan exclusiveness was vainly building 
walls against the freedom of the gospel. The Puri- 
tan was sturdy and honest and conscientious, but he 
was unenlightened in the truth and law of liberty. 
Hence all his efforts in behalf of compulsory beliefs 
within his theocratic State were foredoomed to failure. 
He struggled all in vain against men who were as 
sturdy as himself, and who withal were the embodi- 
ment of a principle in religion which cannot be con- 
quered. 



CHAPTER VII 

Death of Goold and Russell. Rev. John 

Myi.es. The Indian War. Turner's 

Falls. A Case of Discipline. A 

Meeting-House Built. Nailed 

up by Authority. The 

IvAst Persecution. 



VII 

On January 9, 1674, William Hainlit wrote to 
Samuel Hubbard, of Newport : |C Brother Drinker hath 
been very sick near unto death, but the Lord hath re- 
stored him to health again. The Church of the bap- 
tized do peaceably enjoy their liberty. Brother 
Russell, the elder and the younger, have good re- 
membrance of you." 1 In the Diary of Capt. Hull 
occurs this entry : " This summer (1674) the Anabap- 
tists that were wont to meet at Noddle's Island, met 
at Boston, on the Lord's Day. One Mr. Symon Lind 
(I/ynde) letteth one of them a house." They had 
met in Charlestown and on Noddle's Island only be- 
cause of stress of circumstances. At last they are per- 
mitted to meet in Boston in their own hired house 
and to feel themselves at home. This church, which 
had so taxed the powers of the colony to suppress it, 
and which had arrested the attention of the king and 
of many in high authority in England, had enrolled 
but eighteen members in the first five years, and but 
fifty members in the first ten years of its history. It 
had comparatively little wealth and social prestige. 
It was debarred by law from political influence, and 
its own principles effectually prevented it from seek- 
ing political activity. It was fighting in New Eng- 
land the battle of religious liberty for all time. It 
was contending for a principle which is deathless, and 

1 Backus, "Hist.," Vol. I., p. 327. 
121 



122 

hence the power of Church and State could not 
crush this band of disciples. During this first period 
of quiet which the church had enjoyed since its 
organization it was called upon to part with its be- 
loved first pastor, Thomas Goold. He passed away 
October 27, 1675. He died a martyr. He had been 
despoiled of home, property, and health ; but he never 
faltered. Elder Russell says that " he was in some 
good measure fitted and qualified for such a w r ork, and 
proved an eminent instrument in the hand of the 
Lord for the carrying on the good work of God in its 
low and weak beginnings," and, speaking of those 
who were associated with him, he says : 

Their trouble and temptations followed one upon the neck of 
another, like the waves of the sea ; but these precious servants of 
the Lord, having in some good measure counted the cost before- 
hand, were not moved from any of these things, but were cheer- 
fully carried on by the hand of the Lord upon them, through all 
the afflictions and reproaches they met with ; and are the most 
of them now at rest with the Lord, having served the will of 
God in their generation. l 

For ten stormy years, in prison and out of prison, 
Thomas Goold had led his little flock, and himself 
had borne the brunt of sufferings. He had fought a 
good fight. He had kept the faith. He is worthy of 
imperishable honor. He was a steady, serene, divinely 
prepared and guided leader. It was a pathetic ending 
of a true life, that it must pass away within sight of 
its promised land. The church had now so many 
members and so large a constituency of sympathizers 
that the civil and ecclesiastical leaders of the colony 

1 Russell, "Narrative," pp. i, 2, 6. 



123 

began to realize the hopelessness of efforts to crush 
the Baptists. They had entrenched themselves in 
numerous towns, and the leaven had penetrated 
every part of the commonwealth. The Court, how- 
ever, showed some signs of a renewal of persecution : 

June 25, 1675, John Russell, Sen r , appearing before the Court 
to answ r the p^entm* of the Grand Jury for not attending the 
Publ : worship of God on Lords Dayes &. etc., and by his owne 
confession in open Court, being convicted of constant & ordinary 
frequenting the meeting of the Anabaptists on the Lords Dayes 
& etc., is sentenced to pay a fine of five pounds & costs eight 
shillings & six pence. 1 

At the same Court, John Russell, Jr., for the same 
offense "is fined 40 shillings & six shillings costs." 2 
In the next year, " Oct. 3, 1676, Thomas Osbourne & 
wife were fined 40 shillings." 2 In December, 1677, 
" John Russell John Wilson Sen r & Caleb Farlow 
were sentenced to pay twenty shillings a.p.s & 
costs." 2 The Court thus continued its harassing 
tactics, but in a desultory way and with an evident 
hopelessness of accomplishing the desired results. 

The sentences were no longer imprisonment or 
banishment. They consisted in fines in money, and 
whatever social reproach might accrue from frequent 
summons to and appearances in Court. They were 
intended to deter any others from becoming Baptists 
because of the annoyances which would follow. 
John Russell, Sr., a teaching elder of the church, 
and one who had oversight of the group of members 
living in Woburn and Billerica, survived his pastor, 

1 "Middlesex Court," Vol. III., p. 128. 
2 "Middlesex Court Record," Vol. III., pp. 151-205. 



124 

Goold, but a few months. He died June i, 1676. 
These two men had been pillars in the church. 
They were greatly revered and trusted, and their loss 
was keenly felt. The church was now left without 
pastor or teaching elder. In November, 1676, Rev. 
John Myles was invited to become their pastor, and 
came to visit them. He had emigrated from Wales, 
from which he had been driven by the intolerant Act 
of Uniformity in 1662, and settled in company with 
members of his expatriated church in Swansea. 
Plymouth Colony had made a grant of a township 
to them. They found many persons in that region 
who were already Baptists, and in 1663 a Baptist 
church was organized, of which Mr. Myles became 
the pastor. This church has always remained a rural 
church, but still maintains a vigorous life. 

In 1676, Mr. Myles again found himself homeless, 
but this time through hostile Indians, and not through 
Englishmen, and an invitation to settle in Boston 
seemed particularly opportune. The Indian War, in 
which King Philip led the Narragansetts against the 
colonists, had temporarily broken up the Baptist 
church and settlement at Swansea. Elder Myles was 
glad to find a shelter and home in Boston, especially 
among his Baptist brethren. He did not accept their 
invitation to become pastor, nor did he unite with the 
church, but he remained among them as their acting 
pastor from November, 1676, until February, 1678. 
The country around Swansea was laid waste by the 
Indians, and he was content to abide in Boston until 
the settlement which he had planted could be re- 
established. He had been but a few months in Bos- 



125 

ton ministering to the shepherdless flock when. the 
watchful eyes of the Governor's Council fell upon 
him. 

Mr. Miles being called before ye councill to give an ace' t of his 
preaching to the assembly of Anabaptists, whereof Gold and Far- 
num, and sundry others excommunicate persons were of the num- 
ber, the said Miles confessed y l he being driven from his own 
place and people at Swanzy by the rage of ye Indians, and com- 
ing to Boston had accepted the call of sd society to preach 
among ym, but declared the purpose to return to his owne place 
as soon as he could be provided of a habitation . . . the councill 
desired him to take notice y* they did now declare their owne dis- 
satisfaction with him, he being by his owne confession convicted 
of being an offender against the said lawes. * 

These were the laws against Baptists. But, in 
spite of this plain warning, he remained to comfort 
the church, and seriously considered making Boston 
his permanent residence. The wish and plan of the 
church that Mr. Myles should remain as its pastor 
was never consummated. Rev. Solomon Stoddard of 
Northampton wrote to Dr. Increase Mather, Novem- 
ber 29, 1677 : 

1 hear M r Miles still preaches in Boston ; I fear it will be a 
meanes to fill that town which is already full of unstable persons 
with error ; I look upon it a great judgment ... let all due 
meanes be used for prevention. 2 

In 1678, "Mr. John Allen and John Brown (of 
Swanzey) were chosen to draw up a letter in behalf 
of the church and town, to be sent to Mr. John Myles, 
pastor of the church and minister of the town, mani- 

1 "Mass. Archives," Vol. X., p. 233. 

2 "Mass. His. Coll.," Vol. VIII., "The Mather Papers," p. 587. 



126 

festing our desire of his return to us." 1 He acceded to 
their wishes and settled again in Swansea. It was a 
good providence which led him to decline the pastor- 
ate of this church, for, although he was an able and 
godly man, he had not reached clear ideas in regard 
to separation of Church and State. In the life and 
death struggle in which the church was now engaged 
with the Puritan authorities it was imperative 
that the pastor should see the issue clearly, and 
adhere uncompromisingly to the principle of absolute 
religious liberty. He ministered to his flock in 
Swansea until his death, February 3, 1683. He was 
a man of power, and was an encouragement to the 
Baptists in Boston during all these early struggles. 
He often visited them, and they frequently sought his 
counsel. His second son, Samuel Myles, graduated 
from Harvard College in 1684, and became the rector 
and virtual founder of King's Chapel (then Episco- 
palian). He was rector from 1689 to I 7 2 4> a period 
of thirty-nine years. He and his flock had also to 
endure the hostility of the Standing Order, but they 
had the support of many of the officials of the Eng- 
lish Crown, who were stationed in Boston. Many 
army and navy officers, and frequently the royal 
governors, attended King's Chapel. 

Doubtless the Baptist ancestry of Rector Myles, as 
well as the similarity of situation with reference to 
the Congregational churches, was a reason for the 
pronounced sympathy between Baptists and Episco- 
palians in those early days. They were close allies 
against a common persecutor. Episcopalians were 

1 Ford, "New England Struggles," p. 109. 



127 

but little more welcome than Baptists in Boston, but 
they suffered comparatively little, because the Puritan 
leaders did not dare to treat them with the same rigor 
as they did Baptists, lest they should excite the wrath 
of the king against themselves. 

In 1675-76 King Philip and his Indians ravaged 
many parts of New England, and the whole country 
was in a state of alarm and danger. 

In the beginning of the war, William Turner gathered a com- 
pany of volunteers, but was denied a commission and discour- 
aged, because the chief of the company were Anabaptists. After- 
wards when the war grew more general and destructive, and the 
country in very great distress, having divers towns burnt, and 
many men slain, then he was desired to accept a commission. He 
complained it was too late, his men on whom he could confide 
being scattered ; however was moved to accept. l 

Anabaptists had been persistently branded as enemies 
of the State, destroyers of government, and hostile to 
the welfare of the commonwealth. They had indig- 
nantly denied these charges, but their enemies had 
never ceased to insist upon them. When the distress 
of the war grew urgent and volunteers did not come 
forward to the defense, the Baptists raised a company 
and offered their services on the frontier. This offer 
was refused. The authorities saw clearly enough 
that an acceptance of volunteered service would be 
an open acknowledgment of the falsity of the oft- 
repeated charges, that Baptists were enemies of the 
State. This was the cause of their reluctance to 
accept the service. The company was disbanded ; 
but, when the situation grew critical, their offer was 

1 Backus, "Hist.," Vol. I., p. 335. 



128 

somewhat ungraciously accepted. The company was 
officered by Baptists who were members of the First 
Church, Boston. William Turner was captain, Ed- 
ward Drinker was lieutenant, Thomas Skinner was 
clerk, Philip Squire was corporal. They marched to 
relieve the towns in the Connecticut Valley, which 
were threatened with instant destruction. They drove 
off the Indians from Northampton and gave its in- 
habitants a sense of security. May 18, 1676, Captain 
Turner and Captain Holioke, of Springfield, with 
about one hundred and fifty men, surprised and attacked 
the main body of Indians, seven or eight hundred in 
number, in the gray of the morning, near Deerfield, 
and gave them so decisive a defeat that the Indian 
power was completely broken. The Indians were 
never again able to rally in strength. Captain Turner 
was slain in the battle. The name, Turner's Falls, 
given to the town near by, commemorates his noble 
service. This brave man, who had been in prison 
again and again for religion's sake, thus adventured 
and gave up his life for those who had ruthlessly 
persecuted him. His heroic conduct won a somewhat 
reluctant applause, but the victory gave immediate 
relief to the distressed Colony. Baptists had vindi- 
cated themselves and their loyalty to the State in an 
unmistakable way against the aspersions of the 
General Council, and of ecclesiastical leaders. The 
Election Sermon preachers and the hostile pamphlet- 
eers could never again charge them with disloyalty 
to the government and expect to be believed. 
Turner's Falls will always have a peculiar historic 
interest for Baptists. 



129 

In 1677, the church had increased in numbers so 
greatly that there was serious talk of dividing it into 
two bodies and planting a new church in Woburn. 

Feb. the 11 th 1677. Itt was Agreed upon att A Church Meet- 
ing that the Oborne (Woburn) Brethren and Bilerricae Brethren 
namely Brother Thomas Foster Thomas Osborne John Wilson 
John Russell Timothy Brooks Caleb Farlow John Jeffs should 
have the libertye to gather themselves into Church order in A 
body by themselves for theire more convenyent carrying one the 
work of god Among them. x 

Baptist sentiment had for a long time been espe- 
cially prevalent in the neighborhood of Woburn and 
Billerica. There were Baptists there certainly as 
early as 1669, and in 1671 "Isaac Cole, Francis Wi- 
man, Francis Kendall, Robert Pierce, Matthew Smith, 
Joseph Wright, John Johnson, Hopestill Foster, John 
Pierce, John Russell, Matthew Johnson," were brought 
before the Court, " for absence from Church and oppo- 
sition to infant Baptism." 2 The greater part of these 
brethren became members of the church in Boston. 
It is not surprising that they should have thought it 
more convenient to be in a church by themselves and 
have their own worship and their own pastor. The 
church now numbered more than sixty members, and 
these, with their friends and members of their house- 
holds, who might desire to attend public worship 
with them, would find it impossible to get into any 
private house. They found themselves straitened for 
room, and a division of their number seemed advan- 
tageous. They were not allowed to build a meeting- 
house, and the establishment of two or more churches, 

1 "Church Record." 2 Sewall, "Hist. Woburn." 



i3° 

each small enough to meet in a private house, seemed 
inevitable. But reflection and consultation led them 
to a wiser step. 

Att A Church meeting January 13 1678. itt was Agreed by the 
Church Assembled in Charlestowne that there should be noe de- 
vidding of the Church into two or more Churches untill ye said 
Church att Boston be supplyed with A sufficient Able ministry 
settled with them in Boston. 1 . . 

Att the Same Church meeting ye 13 th of January 1678 itt was 
agreed by the Church by a vote of all that Brother John Russell 
should be in nomination for A teaching Elder in the Church. 1 

It is easy to see that the church was reluctant to 
give up John Russell to settle with the Woburn 
brethren, and also that they were already devising 
ways of building a meeting-house. Under such cir- 
cumstances, they deemed it wiser to concentrate rather 
than scatter their forces. It was a sagacious policy 
to make the church in Boston as strong as possible, 
and was the means of hastening their victory. 

Att a Church Meeting the io tb of i2 mo 1678 Itt was Agreed by 
the Church that the Brethren in Boston should goe on in Building 
a Meeting House in Boston. 1 . . 

Att ye same Church meeting itt was agreed that Brother John 
Russell & M r Myles with severall of ye Brethren consult how 
Brother Russell and M r Myles may dispose themselves in order to 
provide for ye carriing on ye work of ye ministry in Boston. 1 

The secret of this renewed activity on the part of 
the church, and especially their plan of attempting 
the dangerous task of building a meeting-house, was 
the fact that the Colony of Massachusetts Bay had 
become entangled in a most serious dispute with the 

1 "Church Record." 



*3* 

mother country, and its charter was in danger. Both 
the politicians and the ministers were divided in 
opinion. One party favored the strongest possible 
assertion of the king's prerogatives, and the other 
favored the most radical demands of Colonial rights. 
It was a time of violent political agitation, which ab- 
sorbed public attention. The king in council had 
directed that adherents of the Church of England in 
Massachusetts " be declared capable of all freedoms 
and privileges as any other person whosoever." It 
was, therefore, impossible for the Colonial govern- 
ment to enforce the laws against Baptists without 
traversing the king's command in regard to Episco- 
palians, for they also were nonconformists in New 
England. The king had no love for Baptists, but he 
desired that his faithful Church of England subjects 
should have freedom of worship on Massachusetts 
soil. Under cover of this order of the king, Baptists 
believed themselves also entitled to the open liberty 
of public worship, and had the audacity to plan the 
erection of a house for meetings. They also planned 
the necessary arrangements for having a settled 
ministry over them. 

Upon the 26 th of 1 2™ 1678 according to the Church Appoint- 
ment Brother Russell & M r Myles with severall of ye Brethren 
Mett and upon consideration how the Church att Boston might 
have supply to carry on the work of the Ministry Brother Russell 
came" to this conclusion and made this Promisse that if necessity 
did require and noe other provision might be found for Boston 
that then he did comply with the Churches call att Boston. M r 
Myles came to this conclusion and made this promisse that If 
providence did soe order and dispose that Brother Russell were 
removed to Swansey to there content that he would continue with 



132 

the Church att Boston till they should be providded to there con- 
tent. 1 . . 

The conclusions and Promisses made by M r Myles and Brother 
Russell on ye other syde of this leafe were made with this pro- 
visall that the Church according to there capassityes take care of 
them and theres. 1 

They had strong hope of retaining Mr. Myles as 
their pastor, for two weeks later this record occurs : 

ye IQ th f jst m o l6 7 8 

Upon consideration of A Promise made by M r Myles of his 
Redy and willingness to serve ye lord Amongst this Church, we 
think itt very rationable to signify our Redy free and thankfull 
Acknowledgm" of such A favor and doe declare our willing Ac- 
ceptation thereof that If the Lord shall be pleased to work A re- 
lease for M r Myles from Swansey according to ye mind of god, 
that then we whose names are und e written doe freely and withall 
thankfullness owne ourselves Ingaged to our Abillityes to take care 
of him and his. 

Isaack Hull John Farnum Cen 1 " 

Edward Drinker Benj. Swettzer 
James Landon Thomas Skinner 

Phillipp Squire John Russell 
Thomas Osborne Hercules Corser 
Joseph Hiller Joseph Willson Cen t 

Ellis Callender. 1 

Nothing came of all these negotiations. The 
church in Swansea was unwilling to give up its 
pastor, and soon after the date of the last record he 
returned to his former home. Mr. Myles and the 
church parted with mutual affection, and soon after 
John Russell was ordained to be their pastor. " On 
July 28 th 1679 was Y e day °f Solemnizeing that w r ork 
of ordination of our beloved Brother John Russell to 

1 "Church Record." 






133 

the place of An Elder." T It is not known who took 
part in the ordination service, but it is reasonably cer- 
tain that Mr. Myles was present. 

Toward the end of December, 1679, the royal 
order commanding toleration for all who. " desire to 
serve God in the way of the Church of England . . . 
or any other of his majesty's subjects (not being Pa- 
pists) who do not agree in the Congregational way " 
reached Boston. The Colonial authorities must, 
therefore, either cease persecution or else openly rebel 
against royal authority. They endeavored to keep a 
middle course. They were not in an obedient mood, 
but wisdom dictated acquiescence in the letter, if not 
in the spirit, of the royal mandate. Episcopalians 
were no longer disturbed. Baptists were harried for 
a while longer, but more guardedly. 

The first case of church discipline recorded in our 
annals is given in full. It illustrates the spirit and 
method of that far-off time. It is as follows : 

Att A Church Meeting the 11 th of the 9™ 1677 Itt was Agreed 
that Brother Drinker Brother Foster Brother Russell and Brother 
Skinner should goe in ye name of the Church to sister Watts to 
see whether shee remaines in that obstinate frame of spiritt against 
god and his Church as formerly they left her and soe made re- 
turne to the Church of her Answer. 2 

1 "Church Record." Note. The early New England churches often 
had besides a pastor, a teaching elder and a ruling elder. The work of 
the latter was to visit the sick and distressed, to keep careful watchcare 
over the flock, and, when necessary, to rebuke and administer discipline. 
The term elder is applied to each of the three officers, and early church 
records are accordingly confusing to the historian. John Russell, Jr., 
was a teaching elder before he became pastor. John Russell, Sr., seems 
to have been a ruling elder only. 

2 "Church Record." 



i34 

A Coppy of A letter sent to sister Watts from Charlestowne 
att A Church meeting the 6 th day of io mo 1678. 

Sister Watts, 

These few lynes are to Acquaint you that we have considered 
yo r condison and as we are informed and und e stand that you de- 
sire to speake with ye Church If you please to appoint ye time 
and place, the Church will accordingly appoint some in there 
behalfe to give you a meeting unless some extraordinary provi- 
dence doe prevent soe with our kind love to you we rest yo r 
Brethren in ye best relations. 

Signed by us in ye behalfe of ye rest Isaack Hull 

Thomas Foster 
John Russell 
having Receved severall Resons from sister Watts by our Brethren 
for her withdrawing from ye Church which were groundless and 
of a raileing nature they took itt into consideration and proceeded 
as followeth, 

The Church of Christ att Boston being assembled att Charles- 
towne the 10 th of i2 mo 1678 takeing into consideration the un- 
christian carriages of Elizabeth Watts and upon serious and 
solemn consideration doe find that for a long space of time she 
has binn A disorderly walker toward the Church she belongs unto 
and that by her groundless rejection of the Church as alsoe rail- 
ingly charging ye Church with great evills without ye least ground 
of proofe and taking part with her husband in condemning ye 
Church in such Acts passed by them according to ye rules of 
Christ and therefore ye Church doe soe declare to all itt may con- 
cern that they look upon her as a disorderly walker and they soe 
vote her and without her repentance will have noe communion 
with her and therefore to unfeigned repentance for these evills doe 
Admonish her in ye name of our Lord Jesus that we may injoy 
her as a sister. Signed in ye name of ye rest by us 

Isaack Hull 
Thomas Osborne 
James Landon 
Thomas Skinner. 1 
1 "Church Record." 



i35 

Sister Watts proved that she had a stubborn will, 
and it is not recorded that she ever repented and re- 
turned to the fellowship of the church. She remains 
on our records with the unhappy epithet " disorderly 
walker " attached to her, which constitutes her sole 
title to this little posthumous fame. 

The church was on the watch for promising minis- 
terial talent, and encouraged the brother who appeared 
to have gifts for preaching. Such persons were likely 
to appear in an assembly where every one was en- 
couraged " to prophesie " and to exhort. The first 
record of official encouragement is as follows : 

A Coppy of A letter sent to Brother Pearce 

Boston 10 th of I st M° i6|| 
Brother Pearce upon the consideration of A credible testimony 
given by severall Brethren, of A gift which god hath given you, 
the improvement of which might be for the edification of the 
Church we have thought meete upon due consideration to pass A 
Church Act that you might be Improving in the work of ye lord 
as opportunity shall p e sent Amongs ye Brethren there and these 
lynes are to request that you stirr up that gift given you in ye 
Exercise thereof which is ye joynt Agreement and request of this 
Church and ye Brethren in gospel Bonds 

Signed by us in ye name of ye Church 

Isaack Hull 
Edward Drinker 
Thomas Skinner 
Att ye same Church Meeting the same Act passed concerning 
Brother Osborne that he should be Improved in ye Exercise of his 
gift att Woborne. x 

John Pearce united with the church in 1678 and 
was a resident of Woburn. We know nothing of 

1 "Church Record." 



x 3 6 

what was the result of the "exercise of his gifts." 
He has left no earthly record. Thomas Osborne was 
the steadfast helper of Thomas Goold, and had en- 
dured with unwavering patience all of the early trials 
of the church. As late as October, 1676, he and his 
wife were fined forty shillings for being Baptists. 1 
He was a trusted and honored leader. 

Att A Church Meeting the 30 th of June i6yg Itt was concluded 
in ord e to carry on ye work of god in Woborne that on the three 
lord's dayes between breaking of bread Elder Hull Brother 
Drinker & Brother Osborne should take their turne in ord e to 
supply that place in carrying on ye work of god. 2 

It is evident that the church observed the Lord's 
Supper once every month, as is the custom at the 
present time. 

In the latter part of the year 1678 the church began 
to build a meeting-house suitable for the use of its 
growing membership. They built it on private 
ground owned by Philip Squire and Ellis Callender, 
members of the church. It was situated on Back 
Street (now Salem Street) near the mill pond, and 
in appearance resembled a large private residence. 
They kept secret the purpose for which they designed 
the building lest the authorities should throw obsta- 
cles in their way, although at this time there was no 
law forbidding them. 

Att A Church Meeting in Boston upon ye 9 th of February 
i6yg itt was unanimously Agreed upon by the Church to make 
Improvem" of ye new howse built for the Publicque worshipp of 

1 " Middlesex Court, Original Papers." 
2 "Church Record." 



Oi " 







*37 

god and to enter into itt ye 15 th day of this Instant itt being ye 
next first day. l . . 

Att ye same Church Meeting Above mentioned itt was alsoe 
Agreed upon by ye Church to take ye howse as theire owne 
Ingageing to pay all disbursm" 3 that hath binn out upon itt and 
to Improve Itt as a Publicque Meeting howse : 

Itt is Alsoe Agreed upon by the Church Att ye same meeting 
that the Church Purchase the Land App e taining to the howse 
& the Highway to it & pay 6o^s itt being agreed to pay ye 
own e s of itt viz, Phillip Squire & Ellis Callend e sixty £ in money 
in seven yeares time : The agreements above mentioned concern- 
ing the meeting howse and land belonging to it sighned and 
owned by us in the behalfe of the Church. 

Isaac k Hull 
John Russell 
Elders to the said Church. 1 

It seemed too good to be true that after fifteen 
years of wanderings and of meeting in private houses 
they were at last to have a meeting-house of their 
own for public worship. Back Street was then a 
shady country lane which wound along the shore of 
the mill pond. It led off from the main thorough- 
fare from Boston to Charlestown, and was quickly 
lost among groves and gardens. The site chosen for 
the meeting-house was unobtrusive, and, as they 
thought, little likely to arrest the attention of the 
authorities. It was on private grounds and was held 
by private individuals. It seemed as unobjectionable 
as the use of the " house of Symon Lind," which 
they had rented in 1676. But the General Court had 
lost none of its watchfulness and soon discovered the 
new house. The story of the trouble is taken from 
the " Church Record " : 

1 "Church Record." 



133 

An Account of some troubles y* we mett in ye year of 
t6 79 

In ye beginning of ye year 1679 haveing erected A howse to 
meet in to worshipp ye lord, there being y n noe law to prohibitt 
such a thing, butt soone After (viz) in ye 3 d month of said year att 
A generall Court we were called in Question for building s' 1 
howse, & forthwith A Law was enacted Against such howses to 
meet in, without license from ye Court on penalty of forfeiting 
such howses when mett in 3 days after conviction of breach of ye 
law : whereupon we did forbear to meet in our howse. (erected 
for y* use) for ye present, waiteing on & haveing our expectations 
from ye lord for his gracious Appearance to make our way plaine 
before us, and in ye winter following itt pleased ye lord to send 
us from ou r Brethren in England by lett e that ye King had granted, 
we with other of his subjects should have our liberty, ye which 
he has sent in his letter to ye governm n as his will & pleasure & 
y* we should not be subjected to fines forfeitures or any other In- 
capassityes, & ye generall Court being called and not voteing a 
nonconcurrence we proceeded to make use of our howse butt after 
we had mett in itt fower dayes, we were summonsed to ye Court of 
Assistants held in boston in ye beginning of ye year 80 to Answer 
for our breach of the Afores d law : the Court calling us in private 
(as itt was usual) Required to give them A possitive Answer 
whether we would Ingage for ye whole in generall or for ou r selves 
in particular to desist meeting in s d howse untill ye gen 11 Court satt 
ye next may. we Answered we were incapable to give A possi- 
tive Answer by reson we knew not ye mind of our Church butt 
desired some time to speak with our brethren concerning itt, which 
was then denyed us, butt ye next morning we sent in this our 
former request in a few lynes humbly Intreating ye favo r y* we 
might have liberty to Answer these Questions till ye beginning of 
ye weeke following, which was y n granted, and one ye 2 d day of 
ye weeke we had A Church meeting where we did seriously con- 
sider of ye matter & did with one consent Agree not to turn our- 
selves out from our howse, but concluded to send A humble Re- 
quest for our liberty as our Answer which is As followeth : To the 
Honorables ye Governor & Magistrates now Assembled at Boston 
att ye Court of Assistants this 8 th march l6|-§ the petition & 



i39 

declaration of ye society of people commonly knowne or distin- 
guished by ye name of Baptists resideing in & About Boston, 
Humbly Sheweth : 

Imp e m [In primum] that whereas ye onely wise god haveing 
by his p r ovidence led us into y* ord e & way of ye gospel of gath- 
ering into Church fellowshipp, we doe hereby confess y* what we 
did was not out of opposition to or contempt of ye Churches of 
Christ in New England, butt in a holy Imitation meerly for ye 
better enjoym" of ye liberty of oui conshiences, ye great motive 
to this removeall att first into this wilderness. 

2 d That ye building A Convenyent place for our publique 
Church Assembly was noe thought of Affronting Authority, there 
being noe law in ye Country Against any such practise att ye 
erecting of this howse, & did therefore think as ye Apostle saith, 
Where there is noe law there is noe transgression, the dictates of 
nature or common prudence belonging to mankind, and ye Ex- 
ample or practise of ye Country throughout led to the seeking of 
this Convenyence. 

3 d That there being a Law made in May last Against our meet- 
ing in ye place built we did Accordingly submitt to ye same, 
untill we did fully und e stand by letters from severall in London 
y l itt was his Majestyes pleasure & command (ye common sup- 
sedeas to all Corporation lawes, in ye English nation y t have not 
had ye royall Assent) y* we should enjoy ye liberty of our meetings 
in like manner as other of his protestant subjects, and ye generall 
Court att their last meeting not having voted A nonconcurrence. 

4 thl y As therefore ye two tribes & halfe did humbly and meekly 
vindicate themselves upon ye erecting of there Alter when Chal- 
lenged for itt by Eleazer and ye messengers of ye tenn tribes, soe 
doe we hereby confess in like manner y* we have not designed by 
this Act Any Contempt of Authority nor Any departing from ye 
living god or change of his worshipp, excepting our owne opin- 
ion, ye lord god of gods he knows itt, Joshua 22. 22 : tho itt be 
our lott (with ye Apostles) in ye way y* some call heresy soe to 
worshipp ye god of our Fathers. 

Y or peticioners therefore haveing noe designe Against ye peace of 
this place butt being still as redy as ever, to hazard our lives for 
ye defence of ye ruelers of ye people of god here, doe humbly 



140 

request that this our Confession & declaration may find acceptance 
with this hono e ble Court, as that of ye two tribes did with 
Eleazer, & y* we may still through y or Allowance & Protection 
Enjoy ye libertyes of gods worshipp in such places as god hath 
Afforded us, which will greatly obleidg y r peticoners as in duty 
bound humbly to pray 

Signed by us in ye name & consent of ye Church 

Isaack Hull 
John Russell 
Edward Drinker 
Thomas Skinner 
Butt notwithstanding this our Answer they had upon the 6 th day 
before ordered, If we would not leave our howse to nayle up ye 
dores and According Impowered ye Marshall by warrant and sent 
him the same weeke to doe itt, who performed his office by A 
forcible Entry through Phillipp Squires ground to come to sd 
howse by reson ye gates were lockt, we required a Coppy of his 
warrant butt were denyed itt & two of our Brethren went to the 
secretary desireing we might have a Coppy of ye warrant who 
Answered he was not to lett us have any. Our dores being now 
shutt we were Expected the next lords day to meete out In ye 
yard Itt being a cold wind y* day butt through grace none sus- 
tained any harm as for the Courts order which they sent to be 
nayled upon ye dore itt is as followeth : ' All Psons are to take 
notice y* by ord e of ye Court ye dores of this howse are shutt up 
& y* they are Inhibitted to hold any meeting therein or to open ye 
dores thereof, without lishence from Authority, till ye gennerall 
Court take further order as they will answer ye Contrary att theire 
p' ill, dated in boston 8 th march 1680, by ord e of ye Councell 

Edward Rawson Secretary.' 
Itt is to be observed that in ye year 79 there was A Synod called 
who in ord e to bring us to ruing Published in print our practise to 
be one Cause of ye judgm tts of god upon ye land & alsoe in ye 
beginning of ye year 80 in March M r Mather teacher of ye north 
Church in Boston putt forth a Book against us wherein did 
endevo e (by casting all ye Dirt & filth possible) to render us 
odious declareing our opinion to come from Satan & that they had 
noe more love for us than Christ hath for Antichrist. Butt to re- 



141 

turne our Dores being nayled up we provided A shedd which we 
made Against ye howse with bords, butt comeing ye next lords 
day expecting to meete under our shedd, we found our dores sett 
open & consulting by ou r selves whether to goe in, we considered 
the Court had not donn itt legally Acting by noe Law, & y* we were 
denyed a Coppy of ye councells ord e & marshalls warrant. Where- 
upon we Concluded to goe into ye howse itt being our owne have- 
ing A Civell right to itt & accordingly did & mett with noe dis- 
turbance y* day. 

I have given in full this exact transcript from our 
records because of its intrinsic interest and because it 
has often suffered from inexact quotation. 

In 1679 a law was passed, and made retroactive, 
"that no persons whatsoever, without the consent of 
the freemen of the town, where they live, first orderly 
had and obtained at a public meeting, assembled for 
that end, and license of the County Court, or, in 
defect of such consent and license, by the special 
order of the General Court, shall erect or make use 
of any (meeting) house," on penalty of forfeiting both 
the house and the land on which it was built. This 
was intended to give the sanction of law to action 
against the Baptists for having built this meeting- 
house. There had been no specific statute before 
under which the Court could act, and in order to meet 
this case (for the house was already built) the law was 
made. 

The raw east wind of early March did not frighten 
our members from meeting in the open air on the 
green beside their meeting-house for worship. They 
had become accustomed to petty annoyances, and 
were not less courageous now than when they braved 
the terrors of the wintry prisons a few years before. 



142 

The Court now scarcely dared venture beyond annoy- 
ances and threats. 

The land upon which the meeting-house was built 
belonged to Philip Squire and Ellis Callender jointly, 
and was held by them as private persons until Febru- 
ary 22, 1682, when it was conveyed to the church. 
The land measured on the northeast about seventy- 
four feet, on the southeast about sixty feet, on the 
southwest about sixty-three feet, and on the northwest 
about fifty-five feet. " Together with the wharf e 
made up against the s d Land on that side next the mill 
pond, with the priviledge of a way of about twelve 
feet in breadth now laid out and leading from the 
street to the s d meeting-house." This they might 
hold " for and so long a time as ye s d Church shall 
hold to and walke in the faith which they now pro- 
fess," but if they should " decline from this faith and 
practice, or in case of their annihilation," then the 
property should revert. This original deed is now in 
the possession of the church. " The way of about 
twelve feet" is now known as Stillman Street, and 
" the street " is now Salem Street. The meeting- 
house stood on the corner of what is now Salem and 
Stillman Streets, on the back part of the lot and near 
the water. In front it had a considerable lawn, in 
which was a well and pump, to which the whole 
neighborhood resorted for sweet, fresh water. . On 
this site the church worshiped for one hundred and 
fifty years. There is no record of the dimensions of 
this original meeting-house. In outward appearance 
it was built to resemble a private residence, and with 
some additions and changes stood until 1771, when a 



143 

new house was erected on the same spot. The church 
continued to assemble in their meeting-house until 
May 19, when the Assembly before which they had 
been convented May 11, declared its answer to their 
petition : 

After the Court had heard their answer and plea, perused their 
petition and what else was produced, the parties were called in, 
the Courts sentence in the name of the Court was published to 
them, that the Court in answer to their petition, judged it meet 
and ordered, that the petitioners be admonished by the present 
honored Governor for their offence, and so granted them their 
petition so far as to forgive them their offence past, but still pro- 
hibited them as a society of themselves, or joined with others, to 
meet in that public place they have built, or any public house ex- 
cept such as are allowed by lawful authority ; and accordingly 
the Governor in open Court gave them their admonition. x 

This admonition being directly opposed to the 
king's late commands to his loyal subjects of the Bay 
Colony seemed stern and forbidding, but the Assembly 
could now only threaten. It dared not enforce its 
threat. The Baptists, therefore, quietly received the 
admonition, but continued to keep their meeting- 
house open and met regularly in it as an organized 
church. The cold March wind which blew upon 
them as they, locked out of their own house, stood in 
the meeting-house yard for their public worship did 
not harm them. They regarded themselves as under 
a divine care, which caused the governor's threats to 
become equally harmless. 

Att A Church Meeting ye 28 th of June 1680 Itt was Agreed 
that ye Church should continue Meeting in Brother Squire's 
1 "Colony Records." 



144 

howse, and If they should meet with any opposition then without 
Any further consideration of the Church, the Brethren in Boston 
may have there liberty to make use of there Publicque Meeting- 
howse and soe to continue till the Church shall meet and consider 
further About itt. 1 

Its doors were never again closed by the civil 
authorities, nor were the members of the church 
haled before the Court for their use of it for public 
worship The peculiar kinds of persecution which 
they had suffered with little intermission for fifteen 
years came to a close with this public admonition by 
the Court. Social ostracism and false representations 
were still used against them, but persecution under 
the form of law was ended. 

1 "Church Record." 



CHAPTER VIII 
John Russell's Narrative. 



VIII 

The Congregational churches kept a general fast 
in September, 1679, anc ^ on tne Iota °f that month 
they called together their Synod, which met in Bos- 
ton. This was called the Reforming Synod, and Dr. 
Increase Mather was the recognized leader in it. 
They came together to discuss two questions : First, 
What are the evils that have provoked the Lord to 
bring his judgments on New England? Secondly, 
What is to be done in the way of reforming these 
evils ? 

As may easily be guessed, they had not gotten far 
in the consideration of these questions when Baptists 
were found to be among the chief evils. They said : 

Men have set up their thresholds by God's thresholds, and 
their post by his post. Quakers are false worshippers ; and such 
Anabaptists as have risen up among us, in opposition to the 
churches of the Lord Jesus, receiving into their society those that 
have been for scandal delivered unto Satan ; yea, and improving 
those as administrators of holy things, who have been (as doth 
appear) justly under church censure, do no better than setup an 
altar against the Lord's altar. Wherefore it must needs be pro- 
voking to God, if these things be not duly and fully testified 
against by every one in their several capacities. 

The General Court officially approved of the findings 
of this Synod against the Baptists, and urged "a care- 
ful and diligent reformation of all those provoking 
evils . . . that so the anger and displeasure of God, 
many ways manifested, might be averted." This 

14/ 



148 

manifesto, together with many false and injurious 
charges made against them by Dr. Increase Mather 
in the March preceding, in a pamphlet entitled " The 
Divine Right of Infant Baptism," led Pastor John 
Russell, in behalf of the church, to write a plain state- 
ment of the history of the church from the beginning. 
It is a lucid, honest, and truthful vindication of the 
Boston Baptists without evidence of partisan spirit. 

It was published in London, March 20, 1680. The 
preface was written and signed by the most eminent 
Baptist ministers in London. The calm and dispas- 
sionate temper of this reply and statement is a fine 
illustration of that equable spirit with which the 
church endured through all those early years the false 
statements and reproaches of its adversaries. The 
contrast between it and the pamphleteering replies to 
it, as, for example, Samuel Willard's " Ne Sutor Ultra 
Crepidam" or Increase Mather's preface, will arrest 
the attention of any reader. It is free from vitupera- 
tion, denunciation, and epithet hurling. 

This Narrative has become exceedingly rare. There 
are but two copies in this country of which I can get 
any trace, and I have been able to locate but one of 
these. Since it is the first piece of Baptist literature 
of distinctly American origin,' it seems to have a 
unique right to be reprinted, and an original right to 
be printed in a history of this First Church of Boston, 
of which it is vindicatory. Through the kindness of 
Prof. H. C. Vedder and Dr. H. G. Weston, of the 
Crozer Theological Seminary, which possesses a copy, 
I am able to give it entire. 



149 
A BRIEF 

NARRATIVE 

of some 

Considerable Passages Concerning- the First Gath- 
ering and further Progress of a Church of Christ, in 
Gospel Order, 

in 

BOSTON IN NEW ENGLAND. 

Commonly (though falsely) called by the Name of 

ANABAPTISTS: 

For clearing their innocency from the Scandalous 
things laid to their charge. 

Set forth by JOHN RUSSEL, an Officer of the said 
Church, with consent of the whole. 

Dated in Boston, 20th, 3d Month, 1680. 

E O N D O N , Printed by J. D. in the Year, 1680. 

CHRISTIAN READER. 

We leave the ensuing Apology to speak and plead 
for itself in your own Conscience, the causes of its 
coming in this Method to your View. The Candor 
and Ingenuity that ought to be in Men, much more 
that Grace and Commiseration that possesseth the 
Hearts of good men, will persuade to a patient hear- 



i5o 

ing and impartial weighing of that Just Defence that 
is therein made. If any demand why we concern 
ourselves so much as to prefix this short Epistle in the 
behalf of those so remote from us ; our answer is, That 
one and the self same Spirit who is in all sincere 
Christians, conjoyning them as living members into 
one Body, worketh also in them like passions either 
as to joy in prosperity, or grief in trouble, whether 
internal or external ; And the very notice and Com- 
munication of each others State removes all distance 
of place, promotes Sympathy, and tends to make 
their State mutually present with each other. More- 
over, the Authors of this Apology have declared their 
perfect agreement with us both in matters of Faith 
and Worship, as set down in our late Confession. 
As for our Brethren of the Congregational Way in 
Old ENGLAND, both their Principles and Practices, 
do equally plead for our Liberties as for their own ; 
And it seems most strange that such of the same way 
in New-England, yea even such (a generation not yet 
extinct, or the very next successors of them) who 
chose rather (with liberal estates) to depart from their 
native Soil into a Wilderness, than be under the 
imposition and lash of those who upon Religious 
pretences took delight to smite their Fellow-Servants ; 
should exercise towards others the like severity that 
themselves with so great hazard and hardship fought 
to avoid ; Especially considering that it is against 
their Brethren, who avowedly profess and appeal to 
the same rule with themselves for their guidance in, 
and decision of all matters relating to the Worship of 
God, and the ordering of their whole Conversation. 
And that the present Molestation given to them is 
meerly for a supposed error in one point relating to 
the right subject of Baptism, which hath been much 
controverted amongst Learned, Judicious, Holy and 
good Men at many seasons ever since the Reforma- 
tion. Upon such occasions, for one Protestant Con- 



*5* 

gregation to persecute another (where there is no 
pretence to an infallibility in the decision of all 
Controversies) seems much more unreasonable than 
all the Cruelties of the Romish Church towards them 
that depart from their Superstitions ; And certainly 
if prejudices were removed ; and opportunities of 
Power not abused, but so far improved that the 
Golden Rule of our Saviour (ALL THINGS WHICH 
YOU WOULD THAT MEN SHOULD DO UNTO 
YOU, SO DO YE UNTO THEM) were duly at- 
tended unto and rightly applied in the present case 
more moderation, yea even compassion would be 
exercised towards these our Christian Friends by 
such as now give them trouble : And we heartily 
pray, that the Honourable Governors in New-England 
will have that regard to all the Congregational 
Churches here, as to remit such proceedings, which 
tend to confirm and justify those who seek to over- 
throw all their Assemblies, and that they will not, by 
persisting in any rigorous Course against these their 
Brethren in the Faith of our Lord Jesus, strengthen 
the hands of such who have already published, that 
their proceedings with them of the Congregational 
way here in this kind, are justified by the process of 
their Brethren against other dissenters in NEW- 
ENGLAND. This subject is so large and the plea 
it affords so rational, that we can hardly keep within 
the short limits appointed to this Epistle ; But we 
will add no more, save our hearty Prayers for the 
Peace of them that in every place call upon the name 
of our Lord Jesus, both their Lord and ours ; And 
shall ever be, 

Yours in all Christian respect 
and Service to our Power. 

Wiiviv : Kiffkn. Hanserd Knoli.ES. 

Daniel Dyke. John Harris. 

Wm,: Coujns. Neh: Cox. 



152 

A brief Narrative of some Considerable Passages, 
concerning the first gathering, and further progress, 
of a Church of Christ, in Gospel Order, in Boston in 
NEW ENGLAND, for clearing their innocency from 
the Scandalous things laid to their charge. 

It pleased God to move the Hearts of some of his 
dear and precious Servants in this Wilderness, whom 
he had by his good Word and Spirit taught, and in- 
structed in the Way and Order of the Gospel, to agree 
together to enter into Fellowship as a particular body, 
or Church, engaging one to another in a solemn Cov- 
enant, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, to walk 
in fellowship and communion together, in the prac- 
tice of all the Holy Appointments of Christ, which he 
had, or should further make known unto them. And 
thus they became a visible Church of Christ, Walk- 
ing in the Practice, and performance of the holy Or- 
dinances of Christ, according to Divine Institution. 
The persons who began (this so good a work for 
God), were, Thomas Gold, Thomas Osburne, Edward 
Drinker, John George, Richard Goodal, William 
Turner, Robert Lambert : the three last named, were 
persons whom God (by his Providence some time be- 
fore) brought out of Old England, who had walked 
with the Baptized Churches there ; as namely Richard 
Goodal, was of a church in London, of which Mr. 
Kiffen is an Officer; and William Turner, and Robert 
Lambert, were of a church in Dartmouth, of which 
one Mr. Stead was Officer. 

No sooner were these Servants of Christ entered 
upon this work of the Lord, but they met with great 
troubles and afflictions, as has always befallen those 
whom the Lord hath been pleased to single out from 
others to bear witness to his Truth ; Much Scandal 
and reproach hath been cast on them, their troubles, 
and temptations followed, one upon the neck of an- 
other, like the waves of the sea ; but these precious 



*53 

Servants of the Lord having in some good measure 
counted the Cost before hand, were not moved for any 
of these things, but were cheerfully carried on by the 
good hand of the Lord upon them, through all the 
Afflictions, and Reproaches they met with ; And are 
the most of them now at rest with the Lord, having 
served the will of God in their Generation. 

And now we who survive, considering the many 
and grevious Scandals that have been by rugged 
Spirits cast upon these Beginners in the Church of 
Christ, that are renewed, and augmented from time to 
time upon us, both by speaking, and writing ; And 
that on purpose to render us odious, and make the 
World to think that we are a people not fit to live; 
as indeed we were not, if we were as vile as we are 
rendered to be. But the Lord, to whom we do both 
desire, and endeavour to approve ourselves in sincer- 
ity will one day clear our Innocency, as the light at 
noon-day. Considering what is premised, we think 
ourselves concerned and obliged, for the sake of 
Christ, and his truth that we do profess and bear wit- 
ness to, to give some brief account of things, for the 
clearing ourselves of those heinous things laid to our 
charge. As to the manifold Sufferings we have un- 
dergone in our Persons, Estates and Liberties, we 
shall not give a particular account at this time; only 
this in general, That soon after our first beginning, 
some of us were oft-times brought before Councils, 
and Courts, threatened, fined, our estates taken away, 
imprisoned, and banished ; but notwithstanding it 
hath pleased the Lord still to uphold us, in the midst 
of all these sore troubles, that instead of being weak- 
ened and diminished, we have been further strength- 
ened, and increased. Thus wonderful doth the Lord 
appear from time to time to assist poor, weak Instru- 
ments in doing and suffering what he calls them to do 
for his Name's Sake. Now as touching what we have 
suffered, and still do suffer in our names, by reason 



154 

of those scandalous things laid to our charge, which 
are as followeth ; Schismatical, Scandalous Persons, 
Disorderly Disturbers of the Peace ; Underminers of 
the Churches, Neglecters of the Public Worship of 
God on the Lord's Days, Idolaters, Enemies to Civil 
Government, &c. To these we shall give some brief 
Reply. 

CHARGE i. 

That we are a Schismatical Company, who have 
rent ourselves from the Churches of Christ, and do 
receive into our society such who have, through dis- 
content, disorderly left the Churches with whom they 
have walked. 

Ans. To which we answer, That this is a mistake 
in those that so charge us. For, 

First, As to the first Beginners, who are before 
named, three of them, viz. Richard Goodal, William 
Turner, and Robert Lambert were persons who had 
walked in the same way and order, in the Churches in 
Old England, who were by the Providence of God, 
brought into this Land, and had letters of Recom- 
mendation from the Churches to whom they did be- 
long. 

2. Two of the other four ; viz. Edward Drinker and 
John George, were persons that were never joined to 
any Church before, who were Persons of good repute, 
for their sober and honest conversations. 

3. The other two ; Viz. Thomas Gold, and Thomas 
Osburne, had walked for some years together in fel- 
lowship with a Church, in the Congregational Way, 
as it is called, and were reputed by all that knew 
them, to be very Godly men, Men of Holy and blame- 
less Conversations, until such time as they came to 
question the Baptizing of Infants, not seeing any 
light for it from the Word of God, and that Baptism 
should be administered to visible professing Believers ; 
Whereupon, Tho. Gold did withold his children from 



i55 

Baptism, (as it is called,) and also did manifest his 
dissent from the Church in this practice, at such 
times when they did sprinkle their Children, by sit- 
ting down : both which was greatly offensive to the 
Church. For which cause the Church dealt with 
him, and he remaining unconvinced, they proceed to 
lay him under Admonition, and wholly denied him 
Communion with them ; Whereas he could then have 
freely held Communion with them ; if they would 
have borne with his dissentings in that one particular 
of Infant Baptism. And under this Admonition he 
continued 7 or 8 Years, living without the enjoyment 
of the Ordinances of Christ ; about which time our 
Church was gathered. And likewise Thomas Os- 
burne, for his not seeing light for the Baptizing of 
Infants, dissenting from it ; and as also his withdraw- 
ing communion from the Church, being dissatisfied 
with that rugged frame of Spirit in them towards 
those that differed from them ; as also because he 
could not enjoy all the Ordinances of Christ with 
them ; for which cause the Church dealt with him, 
and laid him under Admonition. So that they did 
not rend from the Church so as- to become guilty of 
Schism, but were shut out by them, from Communion 
with them, and that for no other cause, than hath 
been already expressed. 

4. As to our receiving into our Society such who 
have disorderly rent themselves from the Church, we 
answer ; That there have bin since the beginning of 
this Church, about 4 or 5 persons that have left the 
Churches they had walked with, joyned themselves 
unto us, the most of them being Persons of good re- 
pute for Godliness, both before, and since, that could 
never be justly charged with anything of a Scandalous 
Nature. The grounds of their leaving or withdrawing 
themselves from the Churches of whom they were, are 
chiefly these two : 

1. Their not seeing light for the Baptizing of In- 



i56 

fants, as also being convinced, that themselves were 
Unbaptized ; And that it was their duty to seek to 
enjoy it, the which they could not obtaine in those 
Churches ; neither would these Churches admit them 
to hold Communion with them, if they did obtain it 
elsewhere, and were contented to remain with them ; 
for this hath bin tried. 

2. Their dissatisfaction in respect of that bitterness 
of Spirit in them, to those that in these respects did 
differ from them, and therefore could not with free- 
dom of Spirit continue with them. And further, -for 
the most part of them, they did not come off, before 
they had used means to obtain free leave, and liberty 
from the Churches to which they did belong ; but all 
means used not being successful to obtain it, then they 
took it. So that it appears that it was not for any 
sinful Distemper of Discontent, or because they were 
weary of the Yoke of Christ, or that the}' would be 
more at Liberty from under the Discipline and Gov- 
ernment of Christ, but out of tenderness of Conscience, 
because of some things practised, which the)' could 
not see light for ; As also because they could not in- 
joy all the Ordinances of Christ with them ; and that 
they might injoy all the Ordinances of Christ with 
more purity, and worship him more according to 
Gospel-institution. Now whether this be to be ac- 
counted Schism, we leave to the judgment of sober 
Christians. 

CHARGE 2. 

That we are Scandalous persons, and that in these 
three respects ; (i) That the foundation was laid with 
excommunicate Persons. (2) In that we called such 
to Administer the holy things of God among us, who 
were justly for Scandal cast out of the other Churches. 
And (3) for receiving such into our Society. 

Ans. This is a gross mistake ; for first, as to those 
who were the first beginners of this Church, who were 



*57 

seven in number, all of them Men of good repute for 
Godliness among their Neighbours, but two of them 
were excommunicate Persons, viz. Thomas Gold, and 
Thomas Osburne, of whom there hath been some ac- 
count given, in pag. 4. And concerning whom we 
shall give some further account. These Persons as 
aforesaid, being (by the Church to whom they did be- 
long) laid under Admonition, and wholly shut out 
from Communion with them in the Ordinances of 
Christ ; and one of them, namely, Thomas Gold, hav- 
ing so remained for 7 or 8 years ; in which space of 
time he was brought before seven or eight Courts, and 
in some of them to be tryed in order to Banishment, 
And for no other crime, then witholding his Childe 
from being sprinkled ; who, after so long waiting, 
could have no help in the case, but was like so to 
continue all his days, without the injoyment of the 
Ordinances of Christ. And further, being convinced 
that it was his duty himself to be Baptized according 
to the Institution of Christ, and there being a compe- 
tent number of them thus-inclined, and agreed in their 
principles ; (viz. the Persons named in pag. 1.) They 
took it into their consideration to gather themselves 
into a Church-state, that so they might be in the 
practice and enjoyment of all the precious Ordinances 
and Appointments of Christ, according to the will of 
their Lord and Master ; which they did undertake, 
after many consultations about it, and many Solemn 
seekings of the Lord for direction in so great an Un- 
dertaking. Upon which proceeding of theirs, so soon 
as known, the Church with which Thomas Gold and 
Thomas Osburn had formerly walked, sent for them, 
to deal further with them ; who at first thought not 
to have gone, being now not of them ; but on further 
consideration, and being sent for (the second time) 
they determined to go to them, and give them a hear- 
ing, but told the Messengers that were sent to them, 
that they could not come on that day they required, 



158 

because it was the day they had appointed to break 
Bread, but they would come the next day, if the Lord 
did permit them : but Notwithstanding, they not 
coming on the day that they required them (though 
they could not, for the reason before mentioned) the 
Officer of the Church proceeds to cast them unto 
Satan, grounding his proceeding on that in Mat. 18. 
Not hearing the Church ; but their crime was no 
other than what hath bin already declared. So that 
from hence, two things are to be observed, (i) That 
their Excommunication by the Church, with whom 
they had formerly walked, was some considerable 
time after they had been gathered into Church-Society, 
which was a long time after they had been denyed 
Communion with them, especially one of them, 
(namely) Thomas Gold. (2) That this Excommuni- 
cation was not for any Scandalous sin, committed, and 
persisted in by them ; which if it had, then their 
Excommunication had been just ; (Unless a Diligent 
endeavour to in joy Christ in the way of his Ordi- 
nances, according to Divine Institution, be a Scan- 
dalous evil :) But because they did not hear the 
Church. And this not hearing the Church, was no 
other than not coming, when the Church sent for 
them, i. e. on that day they required them : though 
their answer was, not that they would not come, but 
that they could not come on that day, but did promise 
that they would come. Now whether this Excom- 
munication were just, We leave it to the judgment of 
all sober, unbyassed Christians. 

2. The second thing to which we are rendered 
Scandalous, is for calling to office, such who had bin 
for Scandal justly delivered unto Satan. To which 
we answer, that there was never but one that was 
called to Office among us, who had any such censure 
passed on him, viz. Thomas Gold, concerning whom 
you have had a true account given. In whose Excom- 
munication there appeared no just objection against 



i59 

his being called to office, he being also a man who was 
in some good measure fitted, and qualified with the 
gifts and Graces of the Spirit of God, for such a Work ; 
and indeed proved an Eminent Instrument in the 
hand of the Lord, for the carrying on this work of 
God in its low and weak beginnings, when exposed 
to great sufferings. 

The third thing for which we are rendered Scan- 
dalous, is, the receiving into our Society those, who 
for moral Evils have bin justly cast out of the 
Churches. 

Ans. To which we answer, That since the first 
gathering of this Church, which was on the 28th of 
the 3d Mon. 1665. there have bin added about sixty 
Persons or more, of which number, there have bin 
but two, that were cast out of other Churches, viz. 
Thomas Foster, and John Farnum, conjcerning whom 
we shall give some brief account. (1) As for Thomas 
Foster, the ground and cause for which the Church to 
whom he did belong, did first deal with him, was only 
his dissenting from them in Infants-Baptism : he not 
seeing any light from the Word of God for it, did 
show his Dissent, in departing the Meetings when 
that was perform'd ; for until this time he was in re- 
pute among them for a very Godly man, and is so to 
this day among the generality of people to whom he 
is known ; and we doubt not but that he is so still in 
the Consciences of those who have proceeded against 
him, who indeed is an aged, grave, sober Christian. 
But the Church dealing with him for the crime above 
mentioned, and not being able to convince him from 
the Word of God, but that he still held his judgment 
in that matter, they proceeded to lay him under 
Admonition, and wholly debarr'd him Communion 
with them ; until such time as he should repent, and 
reform ; (though he then could, and would have gladly 
held communion with them, if they would have borne 
with him in that one particular) but lying under this 



i6o 

Admonition for some time, and seeing no hope of 
reconciliation, unless he would act against his own 
Conscience, And also being further convinced, that it 
was his duty to be Baptized, (according to both the 
precept and example of our Lord Jesus Christ,) he 
applyed himself to us, by whom he was Baptized, and 
received into fellowship. Which being some time 
after taken notice of, the Church to which he did be- 
long, did proceed, from their Admonition to Excom- 
munication, and delivered him unto Satan, rendering 
the matter, or cause, for which they dealt with him, 
from first to last, to be the breach of 4 of the moral 
Precepts ; viz. the 2. 3. 4. and 5. but had not anything 
to lay to his charge, from first to last, but what hath 
been before delivered, excepting any thing of infirm- 
ity that might appear in him, in the managing of 
this difference, by which any advantage might be 
taken. 

1. From whence we observe these two things, (1) 
that the grounds of the Churches proceeding against 
him from first to last was not for any Scandalous or 
moral Evils, but for matter of conscience in things 
wherein he did differ from them. 

2. That this Excommunication was some consider- 
able time after his being received into fellowship with 
us, and was not under the sentence of Excommunica- 
tion when we received him. Now whether the re- 
ceiving of this Person into fellowship be matter of 
Scandal, We leave to the Consideration of the wise 
and Sober Christian. 

In the next place come's in Consideration the case 
of John Farnum, who was under the sentence of Ex- 
communication when he was received by us into 
fellowship, and he is all that ever we did receive, that 
stood in such a capacity. 

Now concerning this man, whilest he did walk in 
fellowship with the Church by whom he was Excom- 
municated, he was in repute among them for a very 



i6i 

Godly Man, and was deputed by them to be a Deacon. 
But when he came to dissent from the Church in the 
Baptizing of Infants, then they became disaffected 
towards him, and he being also dissatisfied with his 
own Baptism that he had in his Infancy, and looking 
on himself Unbaptized, and being also dissatisfied 
with the rugged Spirit, that did so much appear in 
the Church towards those that did in these things 
differ from them, he did then withdraw from Com- 
munion with them, and did often frequent our Meet- 
ing, which was one thing for which the Church did 
proceed in dealing with him ; unto which were gath- 
ered divers other things, and laid to his charge, which 
had a face of Scandal on them, as they were taken, 
and construed : But his unchristian carriage towards 
them, in the time of their dealing with him, was con- 
siderable, and therefore in the receiving of this man 
into fellowship, We must acknowledge that there was 
a defect, but yet not a wilful defect, however it may 
be rendered by our Opponents. Was there ever any 
Church so perfect in all their Actions (especially in 
their first and weak beginnings) as to be free from all 
defect, and not to have done anything that they might 
see cause afterwards to judge it had been better left 
undone ? 

The Church was then under manifold Temptations 
and Distractions, by reason of the opposition they 
met with ; but not long since, about some 2 or 3 
years past, there being a great Clamour revived, and 
renewed upon us, for receiving of Persons excom- 
municated for moral Evils, and that in the issue it 
centered on this man, we were much dissatisfied, and 
determined to make diligent search to know the truth 
of it, that we might clear ourselves. 

The which accordingly we did, and sent Messengers 
to the Officer of the Church by whom he was cast 
out, and procured under his hand from the Church 
Records, a copy of their proceedings with him, and 



l62 

the ground thereof, which having obtained, and dili- 
gently perused, did find that his Carriage and Be- 
haviour towards the Church in the time of their 
dealing with him, were justly offensive, unchristian 
like, and much unbecoming the Gospel, which was 
the chief matter of fact we could find in all their 
charges. Whereupon we then laboured to convince 
him of the evil of them, and kept him off from Com- 
munion, until he should give satisfaction, wherein he 
had miscarried ; who did in a short time fall under 
his offences, and gave us good satisfaction, and ten- 
dered the same to the Church, by whom he was ex- 
communicated ; by which they were well satisfied, 
excepting one, who would not be satisfied unless he 
would come and joyn w T ith them again, but that he 
could not yield to. This hath bin affirmed by some 
of their Members to some of us. 

Now from what we have said in this matter, this is 
to be observed, That though there was an oversight 
in the receiving of this Man ; and that the Church 
was not so careful to inquire how things were, or 
were hard to give credit to what they might have 
reported of his Miscarriage to the Church, as things 
were then circumstanced ; it being designed by our 
opposites to cast all the reproach on us that they 
could any manner of way, to make us vile in the 
Eyes of the People, hoping thereby to prevent (at 
least) our increasing. Yet w T e have now r cleared our- 
selves from being of such principles, as to receive any 
Scandalous person or persons, justly excommunicated 
for moral Bvils, by what we have done, and the pains 
we have taken in this matter, as hath bin declared ; 
and therefore how unjust a thing it is still to lay such 
things to our Charge, to scandalize our Name, as hath 
been done of late in their Printed Book, viz. "The 
Conclusions of the late Synod," and also in a Book 
newly printed, entitled, " The divine Right of Infant 
Baptism," we leave to consideration. 



i63 

CHARGE 3. 

Another thing laid to our Charge is, That we are 
disorderly persons, and walk disorderly. 

Ans. This is also a mistake : for our practice, and 
walking, is according to, and agreeable with the 
Orders of the Lord Jesus Christ, therefore orderly : 
for we walk in Church-fellowship together ; and con- 
tinue in the Apostles Doctrine, Fellowship, Breaking 
Bread, and Prayer, Acts. 2. and that on the first day 
of the week, by Persons elected, and ordained to 
Office, for the Administration of the holy Ordinances 
of Christ. 

CHARGE 4. 

Another thing we are Charged with is, That we are 
Disturbers of the Publick Peace. 

Ans. We have never yet been found making any 
disturbance, by raising any tumults, or causing any 
Sedition, either in Church or Commonwealth ; nor 
are those that accuse us, able to prove the things 
whereof they do accuse us. Indeed after the way that 
is called Heresie, so worship we the God of our 
Fathers, believing all things which are written in the 
Law, and the Prophets ; and have hope towards God 
of the Resurrection of the Dead, both of the just and 
unjust, and herein do exercise our selves always, to 
have a conscience void of offence towards God, and 
towards Man. Act. 24. 13, 14, 15, 16. We peaceably 
follow our lawful Imployments, disturbing no Man, 
being desirous, to have peace with all men. 

CHARGE 5. 

We are charged to be underminers of the Churches. 

This is also a great mistake : we never designed, 
neither do to this day design any such thing, but 
heartily desire and daily pray for the well being, 
flourishing, and Prosperity of all the Churches of 



164 

Christ, that the Lord would more and more appear 
among them, to revive the life and power of Godli- 
ness in them, to make known more of his Mind and 
Will unto them, to reform whatever is amiss among 
them ; to continue his gracious Presence round about 
them ; And desire that ourselves may have a peace- 
able living by them, as Christians. 

Whereas it is said, that our Principles and Prac- 
tices are destructive to their Churches. We answer ; 
That the utmost Tendency our Principles, and Prac- 
tices can have with respect to their Churches, is but 
to reduce them to a nearer conformity to the w T ill of 
Christ, but not to destroy them ; and there is a great 
difference between Reduction and Destruction. 

CHARGE 6. 

Another thing w T e are charged with, is, neglecting 
the Publick Worship of God on the Lord's Day. 

Ans. This is utterly untrue ; Though this hath 
bin the crime that we have usually from time to time 
presented to Court, and have by Courts been punished 
for. But it is well known that we do constantly meet 
on the first Day of the Week, to worship the Lord, 
and attend on him in all his holy Ordinances, and 
therefore why we should be so charged, and dealt 
withal, there is no reason. If it be said that we do 
absent from the Publick Assemblies, and meet by our- 
selves in private houses, and therefore it is not Pub- 
lick Worship. 

We answer, That we do meet together by ourselves, 
and ought so to do, being an intire Church, and body 
by ourselves, and therefore cannot meet in their 
Assemblies. And there was a necessity of congregat- 
ing together by our selves ; Because they would not 
admit of us to Communion with them in all the 
Ordinances of God, but shut us out, and would allow 
us no more priviledge among them than they would 
allow to a Heathen, or Publican, viz. to come and 



i65 

hear in their Assemblies. For some who have desired 
to joyn with them, after they were Baptized, have 
bin denyed, and that for no other reason than this, 
that they had submitted to Baptism according to the 
Command of Christ, and could see no light for Infant 
Baptism. 

And secondly, for our meeting in Private Houses : 
It is true we have done so, for we must meet in such 
Houses as we have to meet in. But our Meeting was 
Publick, any one, that would, might come, and since 
w r e have for our convenience, and to take off the asper- 
sions cast on us for meeting in Private Houses, ob- 
tained a Publick House, or a House on purpose for 
that use, we are become more offensive to some than 
we were before, so that we cannot give content to 
some one w T ay nor other ; for we have been shut out 
of our Publick House, and the Doors nayled up, and 
have bin forced to meet without in the open air on 
a very cold day. Though by the next day they were 
open again, we know not how, but do yet question 
whether we shall injoy the liberty of our House for 
Publick Worship or no ; so that from what hath been 
said, it appears, that we are much wronged in this 
Charge. 

CHARGE 7. 

That we are Idolaters, and therefore not to be suf- 
fered, as in the late Synod Book is concluded. 

And the Scriptures they bring to prove it, are 
these ; Josh. 22. 19. Psa. 99. 8. Ezek. 43. 8. Hos. 
n. 6. 

Ans. The Lord God of Gods knows, and Israel 
shall know that we are innocent in this matter, 
Josh. 22. 21, 22, 23. and that what we have done, is 
not in rebellion, nor transgression, to turn from 
following the Lord, or worshipping him according to 
his own appointments, but that we may with more 
freedom of Spirit worship the Lord together in 



i66 

purity. We do believe that it will appear one day 
that what we profess and practice, are not our own 
Inventions, not our own threshold, but God's thresh- 
old ; nor is there such difference between us, and 
those that do thus accuse us, as that we should be 
thus rendered ; we hope that we all agree in the same 
foundation, Christ Jesus, and all own the same Word 
for our Rule : though we are imperfect in our under- 
standings, and so are they, and who is not? The 
Lord forgive them, we desire to forgive them, and 
pray for them. 

CHARGE 8. 

We are charged to be enemies to Civil Government. 

Ans. We know no reason why we should be charged 
with this, not in the least degree, (i) It is directly 
against our Principles, and contrary to what we as- 
serted in a Confession of Faith, that we formerly gave 
into -the Court, as also to that Confession of Faith 
lately put forth by our Brethren in Old England, 
which Confession we own in every particular. (2) 
Our continual Prayers to God for them, according to 
1 Tim. 1. 1, 2. will witness against this charge. (3) 
Our constant subjection and obedience to all their 
laws, both actively (as far as we can with a good Con- 
science) and wherein we could not Actively, there we 
have been Passively obedient ; in suffering what hath 
bin inflicted on us, without seeking any revenge in 
the least. 

Fourthly. In paying all due demands whatsoever; 
not being desirous to withhold from Caesar at any- 
time, any of his dues. In a word both our Persons 
and Estates are always ready at command to be serv- 
iceable in the defence of the Authority, and Country, 
yea and have bin voluntarily offered on the high places 
of the field in the time of the Countrey's greatest Ex- 
tremity ; we have not thought our lives too dear, to 
put in our hands in the defence of the Countrey. For 



167 

divers of us did with some others, freely offer our- 
selves for the service of the Countrey against the In- 
dians, even in the time of their greatest distress ; 
Among whom was William Turner, whom they 
pleased to make Captain of that Company, who had 
oiu one of the greatest Sufferers among us, for the 
profession of Religion. He was a very worthy man 
for Souldiery ; and Edward Drinker, who had bin an- 
other Sufferer, whom they pleased to make Lieuten- 
ant; And by the presence of the Lord with them, 
they were made instruments of the preservation of 
the Town from the rage of the Heathen, who did vio- 
lently beset it, and break into it, but they being there, 
beat them out, and after this by Captain Turner (who 
was Commander in Chief at that time) as an Instru- 
ment in the hand of the Lord, was the greatest blow 
given to the Indians of any that they had received ; for 
after this they were broken and scattered, so that they 
were overcome, and subdued w T ith ease. In this Fight 
did good Captain, Turner lose his life. Here it is to 
be observed that those who had suffered so much from 
the Countrey, and have been Scandalized as Enemies 
to the Countrey, and their Priviledges, freely offering 
themselves in the Service of the Countrey, have been 
(through the Lord's presence with them) some of the 
principal Instruments to subdue the Barbarous Hea- 
then, and so deliver the Countrey from its great dis- 
tress, which may stand as a witness of our Fidelity to 
the Government to the World's End. 

Thus have we bin vilified, and greatly reproached, 
and are still to this day. It being without any just 
reason laid on us, that we are one chief cause of all 
the Judgments of God on the Countrey. We do not 
excuse ourselves, as not to have share, or part in 
many of the Sins that have provoked the Lord against 
Poor New-England ; Neither have we been freed from 
having our part with others in the general Calamities 
that God hath brought on this poor place. Yet it is 



i68 

observable how graciously the Lord hath dealt with 
us ; that in the time of great Mortality by the Small- 
pox, when so many hundreds dyed, though many of 
us were visited with that visitation, yet no one of our 
Society was removed by it: but it was not for any- 
thing in us, that the Lord spared us, but for his 
Names sake, that the Mouth of our Adversaries 
might be silent. 

But thus injuriously to be dealt with, is no new 
thing. How often have the most Innocent and Harm- 
less bin rendered the most Vile, and Odious ? God's 
poor Servants must not think much at these things ; 
It is the way their Lord and Master hath gone in be- 
fore them, and no other than he hath foretold them, 
that they must meet with ; Luke 21, 12. Jo. 16, 33. 

And here we cannot but take some notice of a book 
lately put forth by Mr. Mather, entitled " The Divine 
right of Infant Baptism " ; (sooner said than proved). 
The Book itself "will sufficiently satisfy any sober un- 
byassed Christian that shall peruse it, what was the 
main, or at least one main design of the Author of it, 
which no doubt w T as (whatever is pretended) to render 
us odious as he could, and not onely us here, but all 
those of God's people the World over, that pass under 
that nick name of Anabaptists ; a very unhappy de- 
sign, and especially in such a day as this, when the 
Common Adversary is too busy. No doubt Satan 
and his Instruments are much gratifyed by it, the 
Common Adversary will make himself Sport with it, 
and the more that such a thing should be done in 
New-Kngland. But we desire to lament that there 
should be such a Spirit breathing in God's people one 
against another. We blame not the Author for dis- 
puting for what he believes to be a truth in the point 
of Baptism, but for casting so much Dirt, and filth on 
those of the Lord's People, who are not of his mind 
in that particular ; neither shall we, nor have we time 
now to take up the arguments to make any reply to 



them, they are no new Arguments, but such as have 
been oft-times sufficiently answered. As to the 
strange stories that be in it, we know not whether 
they be true or false, we may have as much ground to 
question them, as to believe them : but if we grant 
they may be true, and that to the utmost extent of 
what they are set out to be ; it makes us, nor the truth 
we profess, never the worse, though it may cause us, 
and the Truth to be evil spoken of by some, as the 
miscarriages of the professors of Truth, do cause the 
truth they profess, and the innocent professors thereof, 
to be evil spoken of ; but those that profess the fear of 
God should know better than so to practice. And 
may not he that hath a mind to it, write a great Vol- 
ume of most Hideous Crimes, Abominations, Mur- 
thers, Cruel Massacres, Uncleanness, and fearful De- 
baucheries, yea Horrid Seditions, and Insurrections, 
that have from time to time been perpetrated, by a 
very great, yea, by the greatest number of those that 
are for Infant Baptism ? and would it be well taken, 
and savour of a good Spirit, to charge all these Evils 
upon all those that are for Infant Baptism ; and make 
it an Argument to condemn them ; and their practice, 
as the Author of this Book hath done on the other 
hand? But we shall not dabble ourselves with such 
dirty work, wickedly to injure those who are Holy 
and Innocent, though we may judge them to be in an 
error, as they may judge also of us; it is better to 
pray one for another, that we all may be led into all 
Truth, by the Spirit of Truth. 

We shall speak particularly (only) to what he saith 
in the close of his Book, in page 26 ; where first he 
is pleased to say we are combin'd in opposition to the 
Churches of Christ in New-England, this hath bin 
sufficiently answer'd in the foregoing discourse. 

Secondly, He charge th us with the Sin of Jero- 
boam, in making of the lowest people Priests. We 
easily understand what he meaneth in this ; our Evil 



170 

in this respect, is our calling to office those who have 
not bin bred up in Colledges, and taught in other 
tongues, but have bin bred up to other callings but 
it is not because we are against Learning, for we do 
esteem it, and honor it in its place ; and if we had 
such among us, and that they were, together with 
that, otherwise duly qualified for the work of the 
Ministry, we should readily improve them. But we 
do not think that the Spirit of God is locked up 
within the narrow limits of Colledge-Learning, that 
there are none fit to be called to office in a Church 
but such, nor that all such are fit for such a Work, be 
they never so great Scholars ; neither doe we think 
that all those that have not that Learning, are to be 
accounted the lowest of the People. God had indeed 
bounded the Priesthood to the Tribe of Levi ; He 
had set apart that Tribe for that Work by a Divine 
Institution. But we cannot find that the Lord (by 
Divine Institution) hath tyed the work of the Ministry 
unto men of such Learning only, but whom he will, 
he fits and qualifies for that work. Neither are we 
left without plain Rules in the New Testament to 
direct us in this matter. 

Thirdly ; He chargeth us with a pernicious Prin- 
ciple in the Confession of our Faith ; (that is) that 
Believers baptized, are visible Saints, and fit matter 
for a visible Church. But who dares deny this to be 
a sound Truth ? which he is pleased to call a per- 
nicious Principle. As for the conclusion he draws 
from thence, viz. That there are no visible believers 
but those that are Baptized, is his own, and not ours ; 
the improvement that he makes of it, and not what 
we make of it. Far be it from us to judge all that 
are not Baptized, not to be visible Saints : for we 
judge that the Lord hath many precious People in 
the World that are not Baptized, according to or in 
the manner that we Baptize ; and further we judge 
that they should be visible Saints, before, Baptized, 



171 

or else they have no right to Baptism, for it is not 
Baptism that can make Saints. And as for our 
esteeming, and looking on Infant Baptism as nothing, 
or a nullity, that is true ; and we can look on it no 
otherwise, till we see light to own it to be that which 
he thinks of it, viz. of Divine Right, which we cannot 
see any ground from the Word of God to do. And 
as for not owning their Churches to be the Churches 
of Christ, we never yet denied them to be Churches 
of Christ. It is enough for every one to prove his 
own Work. But we have owned them as Churches 
of Christ, and do look at them as such : for where 
there is true matter joyned together in the bond of a 
Holy Covenant, they may be looked at as a true 
Church, though they may be defective in some 
things ; and for not owning it, when put to it in a 
Publick Assembly, there might be good reason for 
that ; but it was not denyed then. Christ himself 
did not answer questions put to him sometimes, when 
he knew they were proposed for an evil end. Again, 
he seems to take some notice of the time that we 
chose to make our disturbance in, (as he call's it) and 
the Animator thereof. We know not well what he, 
means by it, and therefore do not well know what to 
say to it. But as to the reflection of making disturb- 
ance, he seems as though he would make the World 
to believe that we had caused some Tumult, or Sedi- 
tion, or made some Insurrection. But the thing he 
means, was the Act of our first gathering into a 
Church-state, which was not openly done, whereby 
there should be any disturbance caused ; neither was 
there any, neither have we from first to last ever 
made or caused any disturbance ; but the truth is, 
we have suffered very much disturbance and have 
seldom been suffered to be at rest, or quiet, though 
none more desirous to be at peace than we. But who 
have bin the principal cause of our trouble and dis- 
turbance, we shall not here name ; It is well enough 



172 

known who they are, and how much disturbance" we 
have met with, how often our Meetings have been 
disturbed by Constables, and Marshals. Further, as 
to the other two things : viz. Calling to Office one 
that was under Church-Censure, and also the receiving 
of such who for Scandal were justly excommunicated, 
they have already been fully answered ; and therefore 
we shall not speak further to it here. Oh what mat- 
ter of Lamentation is it, that there should be such a 
Spirit breathing among those that profess Godliness, 
and such bitterness springing up, and that in New- 
England ! Can the like be parallel'd in the whole 
Christian World, that a People that fled from Op- 
pression, into this Wilderness for Liberty of Con- 
science, should become such great Oppressors of 
others for their Conscientiousness to the Lord in the 
matters of his Worship ? Yea, even such who are 
one with them too, in all the main points of Re- 
ligion? Surely this cannot but be greatly provoking 
to the eyes of the Lord, and doubtless hath had, 
among other Sins, a great hand in pulling down all 
the sore Judgments of the Lord on this poor place. 
O New England, cease any longer to smite thy 
Fellow-Servants, lest he that hath already removed 
four of thy Candle-Sticks, whilst thou hast been 
labouring (though yet in vain) to remove one, come 
and remove all the rest, and make thy Habitation a 
Desolation for ever. 

FINIS. 



The Christian spirit, the broad charity, the equable 
temper, the unanswerable logic, and the clear com- 
prehension of this production are manifest. The ab- 
sence of all vituperation, in an age when very good 
men deemed it a right part of theological controversy 
to hurl harsh and abusive words at their adversaries, 



!/3 

is peculiarly noticeable. The luminous exposition 
of Christian liberty, and the unyielding adherence to 
the Bible as the sole ground of faith and practice, are 
worthy of all admiration. Its large catholicity, its 
genuine courtesy, its kindliness, and its firmness, mark 
Elder Russell as no ordinary man and as a fit suc- 
cessor of Thomas Goold. It is a matter of just pride 
that the first piece of Baptist literature put forth on 
this continent should be so worthy an exhibition of 
our views, our temper, and our aims. 

But the judgment upon this pamphlet of many of 
his contemporaries in the orthodox pulpits may be 
clearly discovered from the following letter written 
by the Rev. Thomas Cobbet, minister in Lynn and 
afterward in Ipswich, to Rev. Increase Mather, of 
Boston : 

I also received from you a booke of M r Willard' s in answer to 
the late Absurd & Scandalous narrative of John Russel and his 
Anabaptisticall crew in Boston ; which fallacious & fowle mouthed 
Russel, although suddenly taken away by Death, & not long sur- 
viving his slanderous narrative, yet his Associats & Abbettors 
therein w r ill have no cause now to bee wise in theyr owne conceits, 
beeing so fully answered according to theyr folly, in & by this good 
booke of M r Willard' s. 

The reader of to-day will find it extremely difficult 
to discover the goodness of Mr. Willard's pamphlet, 
which was so easily discovered two hundred years 
ago by pious Mr. Cobbet. Nevertheless Mr. Cobbet 
had a keener eye for logic than many men of later 
date as this further extract from his letter witnesseth : 

And I add, that theyr very principle of makeing infant Bap- 
tisme a nullity, it doth make at once, all our churches, & our re- 



i74 

ligious, Civill state and polity, and all the officers & members 
thereof to be unbaptized & to bee no Christians, & so our Churches 
to bee no churches : & so we have no regular power to choose 
Deputies for any Generall Courts, nor to chuse any Magistrates. 1 

This logic is inexorable, and the issues involved in 
the controversy are herein clearly set forth. Nor was 
Mr. Cobbet alone in his discerning the vital bearing 
of the question of infant baptism on the existence of 
a theocratic State. There were many others who saw 
with equal clearness that the abandonment of infant 
baptism would be the utter destruction of the com- 
pact between Church and State. 

l4< Mass. Historical Collection," Vol. XXXVIII., p. 291. 



CHAPTER IX 

Death of Russell. Church at Kittery. 

King's Chapel. Discipline of Farnum 

and Drinker. Elisha Calender. 



IX 

During the first period of quiet that the church 
had known, and when for a little time it was free from 
constant harassment, it was called to bury its beloved 
first pastor, Thomas Goold. 

Again a similar experience came to them. They 
had gained the silent though unwilling acquiescence 
of the authorities for their assembling in their own 
meeting-house. The civil enactments against them 
were not enforced. They had vindicated themselves 
against false charges. They were on the eve of 
prosperity and quiet, when they were called to part 
from their second pastor. "On 21 st of Decemb 6 our 
Reverend Elder John .Russell deceased" (1680). 1 He 
had been a fellow-sufferer with them almost from the 
beginning. He had been pastor for one year and five 
months. He was a man of sterling qualities, stead- 
fast in conduct, devout in spirit, and possessed of 
more than ordinary ability. The church at once pro- 
vided for the carrying on of its work, 

and upon the 22 d Instant Itt was unanimously Agreed upon by 
the Brethren that Bro Drinker should Carry on the work of god in 
Boston in ye Absence of ye Elder Hull in ye Afternoone on ye 
lords Day and itt was alsoe Agreed upon y* Brother Callender 
should be usefull in Carrying on ye work of god on ye forenoone 
in ye Elder' s absence. * 

It is not known how long after Elder Russell's 

1 " Church Record." 
177 



178 

death, that Isaac Hull was ordained pastor. It was 
probably in 1682. Elder Myles was present, Nov. 12, 

1681, to baptize Mary Dill, by which I conclude that 
Mr. Hull was not yet ordained. The church had a 
remarkable body of sturdy, sensible laymen, who 
steadily carried on its work during these changes. 
Thomas Osborne, Benjamin Sweetser, Ellis Callender, 
Thomas Foster, Thomas Skinner, and Philip Squire 
were men who would guarantee stability in any 
church. They knew no fear. They could not be 
swerved from the straight path of liberty. They had 
an unusually clear perception of the issues involved 
in the struggle, and a persistent faith in the final 
victory. 

The church now fixed a regular time for its busi- 
ness meetings as follows : 

Att A Church Meeting the 6 th of i2 mo 168^ Itt was agreed upon 
that Every Second day of the weeke following the day of breaking 
bread that itt should be appointed as a constant day for the Church 
meeting about the orders and discipline and other occasionall 
Affaires of the Church. 1 

Male members only voted in church business meet- 
ings. At this time the brethren who lived at New- 
berry desired to be set apart by themselves as a 
church. "Agreed uppon at a church meeting that 
we the Church at Boston have assented unto the 
setleing of the church at Newberry." l No date is 
attached to this record but it must have been during 

1682. This church had as members resident in New- 
berry, George Little and wife, baptized in Boston, in 
1676, William Sayer and wife, Benjamin Moss and 

1 " Church Record." 



179 

wife, Edward Woodman and wife, John Sayer, and 
Abel Merrill, all of whom were baptized in Boston, 
ist, 4th mo., 1 68 1. How many more there were is un- 
known. The church in Newberry was in existence 
in 1689, but there is no certain record of it beyond 
that time, although there is a hint that it was alive 
later. 

A similar attempt at church planting took place in 
Piscataqua (Kittery), Province of Maine. " William 
Screven & his wife & Humphrey Churchwood were 
baptized the 21 st of 4™ 1681." l In the following 
February a number more from Piscataqua came to 
Boston and were baptized. A few months later these 
brethren and sisters sent word through one of their 
number to the church in Boston, 

that here are a competent number of well established people 
whose hearts the Lord hath opened insomuch that they have 
gladly received the word and do seriously profess their hearty 
desire to the following of Christ and to partake of all his holy 
ordinances, according to his blessed institutions and divine ap- 
pointment : therefore I present my ardent desire to your serious 
consideration, which is, if the Lord see it fit, to have a gospel 
church planted here in this place : and in order hereunto, we 
think it meet that our beloved brother William Screven, who is, 
through free grace, gifted and endued, with the spirit [ 
to preach the gospel shall be ordained. 2 

To this request the church made immediate re- 
sponse and sent the following letter : 

A Coppy of A writing given to Brother Screeven in answer to A 
Request by letter from A Brother and others. Agreed upon att 
A Church meeting the 11 th of n mo 1681. From the Church of 

1 "Church Record." 2 Backus, Vol. I., p. 401. 



i8o 

Christ in Boston the 11 th of n mo 1681. To all whome itt may 
concerne these are to Certify that our beloved Brother William 
Screeven is A member in Comunion with us and haveing had 
tryall of his gifts Amongst us and finding him to be A man whome 
god hath quallifyed & furnished with the gift of his holy spiritt 
and grace, enabling him to open and Apply the word of god 
which may be through the blessing of the lord Jesus usefull in 
his hand for the begitting and building up soules in the knovvledg 
of god, doe therefore Appoint & Approve & alsoe encourage him 
to Exercise his gift in ye place where he lives or else where as the 
providence of god may cast him & soe the lord help him to Ey 
his glory in all things and to walk humbly in ye fear of his name, 
signed by us in the behalf 

of ye rest Isaack Hull 

John Farnum. 1 

Elder Screven seems to have exercised his gifts 
with very gracious results, for in a few months the 
Baptists in Kittery so increased that they desired to 
be set apart as a separate church. They sent there- 
fore a formal request to the church of which they 
were members : 

Upon serious & Solemn Consideration of the Church About A 
motion or Request made by severall members that lived att Kit- 
tery, y* they might become A Church & that they might p-ceed 
therein provided they were such as should be Approved for such 
A Foundacon work, the Church gave there grant and att ye time 
Appointed did send severall messengers to make y* strict Inquiry 
& Examinason as they ought in such A case who att there Returne 
brought ye Coppys here Inserted 26 th of 7 mo 1682. 

The Church of Christ att Boston y* is baptized upon profession 
of faith haveing taken into serious consideration ye Request of 
our Brethren att Kittery Relateing to there being A Church by 
themselves y 1 soe they might Injoy the precious ordinances of 
Christ which by reson of distance of habitason they butt seldome 

1 "Church Record." 



could injoy have therefore thought meet to make Choice of us 
whose names are und e written as Messengers to Assist them in ye 
same and coming up to them we have found them A Competent 
Number and in ye same faith with us for upon carefull examina- 
tion of them in matters of Doctrine & practise & soe finding one 
with us by there (we hope) Conshiencous Acknowledgm" of ye 
Confession of faith putt forth by ye Elders & Brethren of ye 
Churches in London and ye Contry in England dated in ye year 
1682. 

And they haveing given themselves up to ye lord & too one 
Another in A Solemn Covenant to walk as said Covenant may Ex- 
press & alsoe haveing Chosen theire officers whome they with us 
have Appointed & ordained, we doe therefore in ye name of ye 
lord Jesus & by the Appointm" of his Church deliver them to be 
A Church of Christ in ye faith and order of ye Gospel. 

j , . Isaack Hull 

signed by us m ye name 

, ~, ,,, c mn > . Thomas Skinner 

of ye Church the 25 of y mo 1682. 

Phillipp Squire. 

A Coppy of there said Covenant. 

Wee whose names are here und e written doe solemnly 
& on good Consideration god Assisting us by his grace 
give up our selves to ye lord & to one another in 
Solem Covenant, wherein wee doe Covenant & prom- 
ise to walk with god & one with another In A dew 
and faithfull observance of all his most holy & 
blessed Commanding 8 Ordinances Institutions or Ap- 
pointments, Revealed to us in his sacred word of ye 
ould & new Testament and according to ye grace of 
god & light att present through his grace given us, 
or here after he shall please to discover & make 
knowne to us thro his holy Spiritt according to ye 
same blessed word all ye Dayes of our lives and this 
will wee doe, If ye lord graciously please to Assist us 
by his grace and Spiritt & to give us Divine wisdome, 
strength, knowledg, & understanding from Above to 
p-forme ye same without which we cann doe nothing 
John 15:42 Corinthians 3 : 5. 



Signed by 



182 

W m SCREEVEN, 1 Elder 

Humphry Churchwood, 1 Deacon : 

Robert Williams 4 

John Morgradye 3 

Richard Cutt' 

Timothy Davis 3 

Leonard Drown 2 

W m Addams 3 

Humphry Axill 3 

Georg Litten 3 

This is A true Coppy compared with ye origenall 
& owned by all our Brethren and seven sisters as 
Attest 

W m SCREEVEN in 
behalf of ye rest. 5 

This was the first Baptist church planted in Maine, 
and this covenant is the oldest Baptist covenant of 
which I have been able to get any trace among Eng- 
lish-speaking people. The so-called " Holy Cove- 
nant" of the Swansea Church is more of the nature of 
a " Confession of Faith," and I judge was intended to 
be a declaration of doctrinal beliefs, rather than a 
covenant in the ordinary acceptation. Whether it 
was a copy of the covenant of the mother church or 
not is unknown. There is no record of any covenant 
which this church at its organization adopted. Its 
Confession of Faith, made in 1665, is not accompanied 
by a covenant, so far as the records show. The cove- 

1 Baptized in Boston 21 st 4 mo 1681 

2 K « « jyth I0 mo jfigj 

3 (< a tt 20 th I2 mo j frg j 

4 " " " July 1682 

5 "Church Record." 



1*3 

nant which is now used by the church was adopted 
some time after 1836, and is, for substance, the one 
which usually accompanies the "New Hampshire 
Confession." 

The church newly formed at Kittery soon found 
itself harassed by persecutors. The old and long 
disproved slanders against Baptists were revived by 
the Congregational minister (Mr. Woodbury) of the 
town, and the magistrates were incited to act promptly 
and decisively against the church. The members 
were threatened with fines and banishment if they 
continued their meeting together. William Screven 
was cast into jail and remained a prisoner for some 
time. April 12, 1682, he was fined ten pounds by the 
Court, and forbidden "to keep any private exercise at 
his own house, or elsewhere, upon ye Lord's Day, 
either in Kittery, or any other place, within ye limits 
of this province." l Church wood and other members 
were repeatedly fined, and every effort was made to 
root out the Baptist heresy. After such petty and 
persistent persecution, they decided to emigrate to 
some region where they would not be exposed to in- 
cessant harassment, and where freedom of worship 
was established. Accordingly, at some time in 1684, 
the most of them, under the lead of Pastor Screven, 
removed to South Carolina and settled near the pres- 
ent site of Charleston. They built themselves a 
meeting-house in 1700, on the site still occupied by 
the First Baptist Church of Charleston. They thus 
became the first Baptist church in the South. It re- 
mains to this day an earnest evangelical society, and 

1 Burrage, " Hist. Baptists in New England," p. 53. 

N 



1 84 

is one of our foremost churches. Mr. Screven con- 
tinued in the pastoral office for sixteen years, when he 
resigned on account of advancing years. In 1706 he 
was invited to return to Boston and become the pastor 
of this church, but did not accept the invitation. He 
died in 17 13. He was a man of fervid evangelical 
experience, and was abundant in labors. 

In the year 1682 an effort was made to establish an 
Episcopal church in Boston. There was much con- 
sultation and an organization seemed probable. The 
first and immediate result was, that the First Congre- 
gational Church made overtures for reconciliation to 
the Old South Church, which had withdrawn in 1669, 
without the consent of the other two churches, and 
had set up an independent organization. This had 
been the occasion for nearly fourteen years of friction 
and constrained relations between the three churches. 
But the presence in the town since 1665 of a Baptist 
church which the authorities had not been able to ob- 
literate, and the prospect of the immediate establish- 
ment of an Episcopal church, with all the prestige of 
king and court attaching to it, seemed so alarming, 
and withal so fraught with peril to the churches of 
the Standing Order, that it was necessary to cultivate 
the utmost unity against the common danger. Hence 
the overtures for reconciliation met with immediate 
response. There had been in the later years some 
amelioration of the hostile feeling, but this threatened 
accession to the forces of dissent was the prime factor 
in accomplishing the reconciliation which now took 
place. 

In June, 1686, the Episcopal church was formally 



i85 

organized and established in Boston, and Kings Chapel 
was occupied June 30, 1689. The three Congrega- 
tional churches had come into harmony none too soon, 
for they had an unlooked-for adversary. Sir Edmund 
Andros, the newly appointed royal governor, landed in 
Boston on Sunday, December 19, 1686. On the same 
day " he spoke to the ministers in the library about 
accommodation as to a Meeting house, that might so 
contrive the time as one house might serve two as- 
semblies." l Each church appointed its minister and 
a committee of four laymen to hold a consultation 
and frame an answer. They reported to the governor 
" that they could not with a good conscience consent 
that their Meeting house should be made use of for 
the Common Prayer worship." * The ministers, espe- 
cially Increase Mather and Samuel Willard, " thor- 
oughly discoursed his Excellency about the Meeting 
houses in great plainness, showing that they could 
not consent." l Governor Andros then demanded the 
keys of the Old South meeting-house, but was point- 
edly refused. He finally adroitly obtained possession 
of the keys from the sexton, and entered the house 
without consent of ministers or churches. Thereafter 
Episcopal worship was maintained in that meeting- 
house on Sundays, and on other days at hours when it 
was not in use by its owners. He went further and 
declared that marriages would be legal only when sol- 
emnized after the Episcopal form. His purpose was 
to supplant the Congregational establishment with the 
Church of England. 

The ecclesiastical authorities were now thoroughly 

1 Palfrey, " History of New England," Vol. III., p. 521. 



1 86 

aroused. Increase Mather published a pamphlet on 
"The Unlawfulness of Common Prayer Worship," 
in which he affirmed that it was gross apostasy to 
use or comply with the Book of Common Prayer. 
Other ministers thundered from their pulpits against 
the new establishment, and excitement ran high. 
Governor Andros was doubtless led to adopt high- 
handed and drastic measures because they would be 
pleasing to King James and his Council, who had 
been ill pleased at the severe action of the Bay Colony 
toward those who did not conform to the Standing 
Order. Indeed, in 1680 word of warning had been 
sent to Governor Bradstreet that news of the harsh 
persecution of Baptists had reached London and 
aroused strong public feeling on all sides. Remon- 
strances had been sent across the water from the 
leading Congregational ministers to their brethren in 
New England. But what influenced the king far 
more than any sympathy with his suffering Baptist 
subjects was the fact that an ecclesiastical test was 
being set up, which would be a bar to the Episcopal 
Church equally with others. Thus the Established 
Church of England would not be tolerated in one of 
its own colonies, and Englishmen of the ruling 
classes, sent over by the king to be the royal offi- 
cials, could not worship after the ritual of their own 
church. 

Religious intolerance, which had manifested such 
violence in the effort to exterminate Baptists and 
Quakers, was seen to be equally hostile in principle 
and in practice to Episcopalians. Political, personal, 
and ecclesiastical passions became confusedly opera- 



i8 7 

tive in the struggle which now ensued around Gov- 
ernor Andros. Public attention was so absorbed in 
it that persecution ceased. 

It was in the midst of these exciting scenes that 
news came of the fall of King James and of the 
change of government. The hated governor was 
quickly hurled from power. There can be little 
doubt that he acted the part of a tyrant, but he had 
large provocation. He had given the ministers and 
the civil authorities a taste of the religious intolerance 
which they themselves had hitherto meted out in 
unstinted quantities to Baptists. It is not surprising 
that they did not find their own remedies for dis- 
senters palatable for themselves, and that the deposi- 
tion of Andros was an occasion for the expression of 
almost unseemly rejoicing. 

Their fears were temporarily allayed, but the late 
events had furnished matter for very serious reflection. 
They discovered that religious intolerance was a two- 
edged sword, which might cut both ways. Hence- 
forth Baptists in Boston were left unmolested, although 
in other parts of Massachusetts persecution did not 
cease for more than a century. The constitution of 
1834 at last guaranteed freedom of worship in every 
part of the commonwealth. No church rejoiced more 
in the final victory than this church, around which 
the struggle had raged so fiercely at the beginning, 
and which had maintained itself through all the in- 
tervening years so vigorously and uncompromisingly 
in the metropolis of New England. 

Att A Church meeting ye 11 th of io mo 1682, Itt was Agreed 
upon that all former differences betweene Brother Drinker & the 



1 88 

Church should be forgotten and forgiven and y 1 Brother Drinker 
should continue in his office of A deacon. 1 

It is not known when he was elected a deacon, but 
he had for some years assisted in the conduct of pub- 
lic worship, and upon occasion of the elder's absence 
on the Lord's Day had expounded the Scriptures. 

Att A Church meeting August 20 th 1683 the Church upon con- 
sideration of Brother Farnums withdrawing himself from ye 
Comunion of ye Church & for severall dayes together absented 
himself from ye Church meeting, sent for Brother Farnum & not 
being able to give A sattisfactory Answer was Admonished to 
Repent of his Evill & alsoe to Attend his place as his duty bound 
him. 1 

The admonitions and pleadings of the church were 
of no avail. Mr. Farnum was an impulsive man and 
often unduly vehement in his expressions. He was 
not altogether courteous to the Second, or North 
Church, of which he had been a member, and was 
often a trial to his brethren in this church because of 
his uncontrolled temper and speech. He had, how- 
ever, borne persecution with courage, and it must 
have been no small grief to the church to pass the 
following sentence on October 13, 1683 : 

Whereas John Farnum who for severall years hath bin A mem- 
ber of this Church of late hath bin A very disorderly p-son and as 
is knowne to many hath most shamefully turned his Back & gonn 
from itt, this Church hath duly considered his case & Condicon 
& how they might p-forme there duty toward him & In discharge 
thereof have endeavored in faithfullness, and with tenderness to 
gaine him, butt on ye contrary doe find an Impenitence p-sisting 
as one y* hath wholy cast of the rule & government of Christ in 
1 " Church Record." 



this his church, & contemptuously Refuseth to hearken to ye 
power & Authority of Christ therein, whereby he greatly Reflects 
upon ye honor of god, 2 dl - y Stumbles at his pure Religion. 3 dly 
greeves and wounds his brethren, 4 thly gives An occation of Stum- 
bling to such as are weak in faith & 5 thly gives ye Enemyes of god 
such an occation of Rejoycing, Wherefore we have further con- 
sidered our duty and as we are to Act in uprightness for god doe 
judg our duty binds for ye honor of god to bear our witness in 
publicque Against him as alsoe for many wicked & unchristian 
like Expressions and therefore in ye p r esence of ye great & holy 
god & before this Assembly doe declare that as we are A Church 
of Christ we will have noe fellowshipp or corhunion with him 
unless he shall manifest true Repentance for his Evills butt shall 
vote him as one that causeth offences contrary to ye doctrine of 
our lord Jesus Christ and one whome we are to Avoyd. l 

This was the most solemn form of excommunica- 
tion, and it shows the deep conviction and feeling 
lying behind it. 

Mr. Farnum reunited with the North Church, but 
in 1695 I find him voting at a church meeting of this 
church, whence I conclude that he was restored upon 
repentance to his place. In 1709 he was again under 
discipline, and finally avowed himself to be a Quaker, 
and " that he did consider them to be ye only people 
of god now in ye world." l 

The pastor, Isaac Hull, was now an old man, and 
unable to do what the church needed for its proper 
maintenance. In 1681 the church wrote to London 
for a minister, and said, " Our minister is very aged 
and feeble, and often incapable of his ministerial 
work." 2 The London brethren recommended them 
to select some one of their own members to be their 

1 "Church Record." 2 Backus, "Hist.," Vol. I., p. 407. 



190 

minister. Mr. Hull remained pastor until about 1689, 
when he seems to have removed from Boston. His 
wife, who had united with the church in 1670, died 
at about this time and he may have returned to Eng- 
land. He was received into the church again: "July 
9, 1694, Isaack Hull Receved as a member Into the 
Church by a letter of Recommendation and giveing 
himself up to the Church as a member." * 

"August ye begining 1696 Isaack Hulls wife was 
baptized and receved to comunion." 1 Hew T ould seem 
to have resumed his position as one of the pastors of 
the church, and to have done service as his advanced 
age permitted. The name of Isaac Hull appears for 
the first time as an elder in 1679. He seems to have 
been a teaching elder. He was the first one to unite 
with the church after its constitution, and his name 
appears as the tenth on our list. 

When he was chosen elder, or ordained pastor, is 
unknown. He was chosen to the former office some 
time prior to 1679, after Mr. Myles left the church, 
and he certainly was not pastor until after John Rus- 
sell's death in 1680. He does not seem to have been 
under arrest like his brethren, for his name nowhere 
appears in the records of the courts. Indeed, very 
little is known concerning him. He was a man of 
limited gifts and attainments, but was highly regarded 
for the sobriety and piety of his life. He died in 
1699. J onn Wyman, of Woburn, left in his will, dated 
Sept. 6, 1698, " 20 shillings apiece to Isaack Hull & 
John Emblen Elders of the church in Boston." He 
was the third pastor of the church. 

1 " Church Record." 



191 

Att A Church meeting July 23 d , 1683 Brother Browne was freely 
Recevd into Comunion with the Church & as A Brother to Ad- 
minister the word Amongst us with his free & willing Resigning 
himself to be att ye lords disposeing and ye church in what he 
shall be capable whilst his continuance Amongst us. l 

Nothing further is known of Mr. Browne, but it is 
probable that he did not prove an acceptable preacher, 
for otherwise the church would have retained him. 
There was urgent need of an efficient pastor, but it 
was difficult to find one. Baptist ministers of Eng- 
land were reluctant to come to the new world, and 
especially in view of the intolerant spirit prevailing 
in the colony. But at last one did come. "July 20 th , 
1684, Mr. John Kmblen was Recevd a member," 1 
and became the pastor of the church. He remained 
in this office until 1699. He died m I 7°2- He was 
not an efficient minister. Less is known about him 
than about Mr. Hull. It is certain that he was some- 
what careless in his pastoral duties. He was the 
fourth pastor of the church. 

During the last years of this joint pastorate of Elders 
Hull and Emblen the church steadily declined. Few 
members were received, and the meetings were poorly 
attended. Pastoral inattention may have been the 
secret of it, as the following record tends to show : 

Att a Church meeting October 5 th (probably 1695) the Church 
upon consideration of M r Emblens goeing severall times to Cituate 
& leaving ye Church destitute of help, being much troubled thereat 
& for ye p e vention of the like pracktice by M r Emblen came to 
this conclusion to putt itt to A vote in ye Church whether he should 
goe any more unless he have the Churches Approbation, which 

1 "Church Record." 



192 

they did & the vote was unanimous, our Brother John Farnum Ex- 
cepted, that he should not goe any more without the Churches 
Approbation. 1 

There could not be very great pastoral fidelity where 
such a vote became necessary. 

"The 9 th 9 th mo 1684 Mr Dingley & his daughter 
Recevd as members to cofhunion by lette r of Recoih- 
endacon." l This was Richard Dingley, who in 1687 
removed to Newport, and in 1689 was ordained the 
pastor of the Baptist church in that town, where he 
continued to preach until 1694. John Comer, in his 
usually accurate "Diary," says that, "The ordination 
was by Mr Thomas Skinner, pastor of the church in 
Boston, and Mr James Barker a ministering brother 
belonging to this church." Thomas Skinner was the 
son-in-law of Thomas Goold, and united with this 
church in 1670. At a very early date now unknown 
(1670?) he "was established in the work and office of 
A Deacon," l and remained a faithful servant of the 
church until his death, but he was never pastor of the 
church. He may have served as teaching elder, but 
of that we have no knowledge. 

" Att A Church meeting September ye 13 th 1685 Itt 
was Agreed upon that Brother Drinker upon consider- 
ation of his neglecting to officiate in his place for A 
long time & still p-sisting in soe doeing should be 
discharged from ye work & office of A Decou and be 
Admonished to his duty as a member." 1 This admo- 
nition availed, for " he was restored to his place as A 
member upon Acknowledgment of his desertion and 
promise of Reforming." l He did not long walk in. 

1 "Church Record." 



193 

fellowship with the church, but after two other admo- 
nitions, " He was rejected for refusing to heare the 
Church according- to the 18. Chap: Mathew: this was 
sollemly don 5 th January 1695 : " 1 

Many stirring and tender memories must have been 
in the minds of the church when this action was 
taken. He was the last of the constituent members 
then living. He had been a teacher and a deacon. 
He had been often in prison and had suffered much. 
He remained a faithful Christian through life, al- 
though outside the fellowship of this church. There 
is some slight evidence that he united with another 
Baptist church (Newberry), and that his irregularity 
in doing it without a previous dismission was the 
cause of his excommunication. 

24 th march 1688-^- To the Church of christ at Newberry : the 
Church of christ at Boston : wishes y° Increase of grace & peace 
In Jesus christ the Lord : whereas we have considered ye condi- 
tion of o r Brother Edward Drinker & having weighed the circum- 
stances thereof have thought fitt : to suspend him from communion 
w th us & Expect you should doe the same : until he has given sat- 
isfaction according to the Rule of Christ w oh we thought fitt to sig- 
nify to you : And so committing you to god & to the word of his 
grace we Rest : yrs In ye fellowship of ye gospell 25 th march 89 : 
yrs in ye fellowship of ye gospell 
Isaack Hull 
John Emblen in ye name 
of ye church. 1 

There is no record of his restoration to the fellow- 
ship of this church. 

" 1688 August 12 th Att A Church meeting Bro 
Sweetser was Elected for a Decon upon probacon." l 

1 "Church Record." 



i 9 4 

He was "ordayned March 91:" 1 This was Benjamin 
Sweetser, who became a member prior to 1669. He 
was the son of Seth Sweetser, who settled in Charles- 
town in 1638. and who had been a Baptist in Hert- 
fordshire, England. The father, a man of property 
and social standing, died in 1662, before the church 
was organized, but he had been in close sympathy 
with those who became the founders. 

"Aug 12 th 1688 att A Church meeting itt was 
Agreed upon that Brother Sweetser Brother Squire 
Brother Skinner Brother Killcay Brother Hiller & 
Brother Callender should have care as there wisdome 
should direct for the support of ye Ministry and set- 
tleing of M r Milborne as an Assistant in ye ministry 
who then promised to be helpfull therein." l These 
brethren seem to have been a committee for the 
church finances. Nothing further is known of Mr. 
Milborne. Doubtless his services were unacceptable. 

"28 December [1689?] agreed at a Church meeting 
y* M r Emblen should have thre quarters of the contri- 
bution." l It is easy to guess that his salary was 
somewhat fluctuating, but always small. From this 
time until 1694, a period of five years, only five new 
members were received into the church. Elder Hull 
was gone and Elder Emblen was left sole pastor. It 
was a time of disheartenment. The church did not 
grow or prosper. Interest in spiritual things was at 
a low ebb. There were some strong and earnest lay- 
men, but the pastoral leadership was inefficient From 
August, 1696, to June, 1708, there is no record of any 
member received nor of any business transacted. It 

1 "Church Record." 



195 

was a time of general religious declension throughout 
New England. The Congregational ministers felt 
that the glory of the colony had departed. There was 
widespread lamentation over the laxity of morals and 
the indifference toward public worship. The desire 
for wealth, pleasure-seeking, and general worldliness 
greatly increased. 

This church had no settled pastor from 1700 to 
1708. They had occasional preaching by other per- 
sons than Baptists. In 1709 one of the members al- 
leges as a reason for non-attendance at the church 
that they " had sett a presbeterian Minister to preach 
aniongst us," l and that when he had attended "in ye 
time of prayer he turned his back & kept on his 
hatt," * as a protest against this unbaptistic intruder. 
In 1706 the church again sought a pastor in England, 
but without success. 2 They then sent urgent invita- 
tions to Elder William Screven, of South Carolina. 
He listened favorably to their request and was on the 
eve of acceptance, when the pastor of the church 
which he had founded in Charleston suddenly died. 
Mr. Screven felt that he could not leave the bereaved 
church in such a crisis, and accordingly wrote to Bos- 
ton, June 2, 1707, "his great disappointment " that he 
could not come. He recommended them "to improve 
the gifts which they have in the Church. Brother 
Callender and Joseph Russell, I know, have gifts that 
may tend to edification if improved." 3 This sugges- 
tion was adopted, and Mr. Ellis Callender, who had 
been a lay preacher among them for about thirty 
years, and who had taken charge of public worship in 

1 "Church Record." 2 Backus, " Hist.," Vol. I., p. 466. Ubid., 467. 



196 

the absence of the pastor, was chosen in 1708 to be 
their pastor. I can find no record of his ordination. 
Under his faithful care the church began to revive 
and grow. He had become a member in 1669. His 
name is eighteenth in our list, and he was the fifth 
pastor. He was a discreet, devout, devoted man. He 
was held in the highest esteem by all who knew him. 
The first token of friendly recognition which Baptists 
had yet received from Congregationalists came to him 
in 1 7 14, in the form of the following letter : 

16*. i m . 1 7 14. 

Sirs : As in the distresses of the winter, we did, with the solem- 
nities of humiliation, call upon our gracious God, so, since he has 
graciously recovered so many of our people, and sent in such sea- 
sonable provisions for our necessities, it has been proposed among 
the ministers of the town, that our good people may acknowl- 
edge these favors of our prayer hearing Lord, with the solemnity 
of a thanksgiving in our several congregations : for which, also, 
we have had the encouragement of the government. The time 
we would propose for such a service is Thursday the first of April, 
if the churches have no objection against it And it was desired 
that you might be seasonably apprised of this purpose, because 
we are well assured of the welcome, which a motion of such a 
nature will find with you, and the people of God unto whom you 
stand nearly related. Having thus discharged the duty in this 
manner incumbent on me, I take leave to subscribe, 

Sir, Your brother and Servant 

Cotton Mather. 

To my worthy friend, Mr. Ellis Callender, Elder of a Church of 
Christ in Boston. 1 

The fact was that Mr. Elisha Callender, son of Mr. 
Ellis Callender, had graduated in 1710 from Harvard 
College. Dr. Increase Mather had been president of 

1 Backus, "Hist.," Vol. I., p. 420. 



i 9 7 

the college for sixteen years, resigning in 1701, and 
still retained a close relation to it. In this way he 
had become acquainted with young Callender and his 
father. Both the Mathers had written fiercely against 
the Baptists, and had denied them any recognition as 
an orderly and regular church of Christ. They had 
incited the civil authorities to persecution. But per- 
sonal acquaintance with these two Baptists had 
wrought a great change, and they found that Baptists 
were godly, peaceable, law-abiding citizens, who had 
been grossly calumniated ; that they were not in op- 
position to education, nor to an educated ministry ; 
that they were not the incendiaries of common- 
wealths, but that they were conscientious and Chris- 
tian souls, of as good English stock as themselves. 
The result of these discoveries, which they might 
have made years earlier, w 7 as this first public recogni- 
tion of the Baptist church as a true church of Christ. 
It was now almost fifty years since the church was 
organized, and during all that time Dr. Increase 
Mather had been pastor of the Second Church, which 
was the immediate neighbor of this church. It may 
be said, therefore, that his recognition of it was some- 
what tardy. 



CHAPTER X 

Ordination of Eljsha Calender. Prosperity. 

Work at Springfield and Vicinity. 

Manner of Singing. Death 

of Mr. Calxender. 



X 



u 



August io. 17 13. Shem Drowne & Elisha Cal- 
lender were baptized & Reced to Comunion with ye 
Church." l These were two notable names, and des- 
tined to have an important influence over the desti- 
nies of this church. "On Wednesday the 21 st of 
May 1 7 18 Elisha Callender was ordained a pastor of 
this Church of Christ by the Reverend Docter 
Mathers & M r Webb of the new north Church." 1 
This marked a very notable advance in the position 
of the church in the town. Never before had the 
churches of the Standing Order recognized formally 
this church as a legitimate, regular, or authorized 
church of Christ, although the Mathers had given 
their personal recognition four years before. During 
all its history it had maintained itself vigorously and 
consistently, but it had stood alone and without 
Christian recognition. 

The spirit of intolerance had greatly lessened, for 
otherwise the church would never have ventured to 
send the following letter : 

A Coppy of a Letter sent to D r Mather & M r Webb to be 
communicated to their Churches in the beginning of May 1718 : 

Honored & Beloved in the Lord 

Considering that there ought to be a holy fellowship maintained 
among godly Christians and that it is a Duty for us to Receive 
one another as Christ also Receives us to the glory of god not- 

1 "Church Record." 
20I 



202 

withstanding some Differing persuasions in matters of Doubtfull 
Disputations, and although we have not so great Latitude as to 
the Subject of Baptism as the Churches in New England gener- 
ally have, notwithstanding as to fundamentall principles in your 
Doctrine of Christ both as to the faith & order of the Gospell, we 
Concur with them being also satisfied that particular Churches 
have power from Christ to Choose their own Pastors & that Elders 
ought to be ordained in Every Church & haveing Chosen our 
well beloved Brother Elisha Callender to be our pastor we Intreat 
you to send your Elders & Messengers to give us the Right hand 
of fellowship in his ordination. 

In ye name of ye Church. 1 

To this friendly overture these churches responded 
and sent their pastors and messengers to assist in the 
ordination. Ex-President Increase Mather, his son, 
Dr. Cotton Mather, and Mr. Webb conducted the 
service. Dr. Increase Mather says : 

It was a grateful surprise to me when several of the brethren of 
the Anti-pedobaptist persuasion came to me, desiring that I would 
give them the Right Hand of Fellowship in ordaining one whom 
they had chosen to be their pastor. I did (as I believe it was my 
duty) readily consent to what they proposed : considering the 
young man to be ordained is serious and pious, and of a candid 
spirit, and has been educated in the College at Cambridge : and 
that all of the brethren of that church with whom I have an 
acquaintance (I hope the like concerning others of them) are, in 
the judgment of rational charity, godly persons. 2 

Dr. Cotton Mather of the Second Church preached 
the ordination sermon, on "Good Men United," in 
the course of which he says : 

New England also has, in some former times, done something 
of this aspect, which would not now be so well approved of ; in 

1 "Church Record." 2 Sprague's "Annals Baptist Pulpit," p. 35. 



203 

which, if the brethren in whose house we are now convened, met 
with anything too unbrotherly, they now with satisfaction hear us 
expressing our dislike of every thing that has looked like persecu- 
tion in the days that have passed over us. 

This was a public acknowledgment of the wrong- 
doing in the early persecutions, which must have 
been very grateful to the few members, like Ellis 
Callender and Benjamin Sweetzer, who had survived 
those times. It was a frank and honorable recogni- 
tion of them as a Christian church. It had been 
long delayed, but was none the less welcome. 

This memorable result was largely due to the high 
esteem in which the Callenders, father and son, were 
held in the community. The son was the first native 
American Baptist minister who had received a college 
education. He was a man of liberal, cultivated, and 
wise spirit. He had won the affectionate regard of 
ex-President Mather, and as a scholarly alumnus 
of Harvard could scarcely be treated lightly by the 
ministers of the colony. Doubtless it was this 
friendly attitude of the venerable ex-President Mather 
which opened the way for the recognition of this 
church and the ordination of its minister. It was a 
far cry from President Dunster, who having become 
a Baptist in belief, was driven from his high office, to 
President Mather, who now gave it its first official 
recognition as "a Church of Christ in Boston." The 
former was the virtual founder of this church. The 
latter, whose public life as pastor and president had 
covered all the years of its history, gave a practical 
completion to what the former had begun. The 
ordination scene must have been one of strangely 



204 

conflicting memories to the older persons present. 
President Dunster, after many years, was in good 
degree vindicated. 

This fraternal event had many and far-reaching re- 
sults. The church came soon to have a new social 
standing in the town, and its pastor was received on 
every side with great honor. It had now a recog- 
nized place among the other churches. Nor were 
Baptists the only ones who benefited by this exhibi- 
tion of Christian brotherhood. Harvard College soon 
after was the recipient of large benefactions from a 
Baptist. A new era of prosperity in the church 
followed. New members, many of whom were per- 
sons of influence, began to unite with the church, 
and its work widened rapidly. 

a Decemb r 14 th 17 18 The Church Chose Richard 
Proctor to the office of a Deacon by a major vote." 1 

"January 30 th ij{i Mess rs Hillar & Proctor were 
ordained Deacons of this Church." l Richard Proc- 
tor became a member January 14, 1709, and Benjamin 
Hillar June 1, 1708. A further evidence of the rapid 
extension of the work of the church is the election 
of other deacons. 

" April 29 d 1/20 Josias Byles was chosen Deacon 
by a major vote upon probation." l He was received 
into the church November 1, 1719. He served faith- 
fully in the office of deacon for thirty-three years. 
"May 5, 1 72 1. At ye same Church meeting Brother 
Shem Drowne was chosen to ye office of a Deacon 
by a major vote." l He and his pastor were baptized 
on the same day, August 10, 1713. Deacon Drowne 

^'Church Record." 



205 

was a notable man in Boston. He had general super- 
vision of the fortifications and made the necessary- 
repairs upon them. He was a man of affairs in many 
directions. It was he who made the famous gilded 
wooden Indian which so long stood upon the top of 
the " Province House," and also the weather vane 
which has so long surmounted the dome of historic 
Faneuil Hall. This vane, which is of large size 
when seen at close range, is a reproduction of a grass- 
hopper, and has become somewhat tarnished and shab- 
by-looking. It is probable that the work of regilding 
will be done soon. The last time that it was taken 
down and regilded was many years ago, and at that 
time there was found on the inside of the vane a 
paper bearing this legend : 

Shem Drowne Made itt, May 25, 1742. To my Brethern and 
Fellow Grasshoppers. I Fell in ye year 1753, Nov. 18th, early 
in ye morning by a great earthquake ... by my old Master 
above. Again Like to have met with my Utter Ruin by Fire but 
hopping Timely from my Public Situation came of with Broken 
bones & much Bruised . . . cured and fixed by my Old Master' s 
son, Thomas Drowne, June 28, 1768, and Though I will promise 
to hang . . . Discharge my office and I shall vary as ye winds 
may blow. 

He was also the cunning artificer of the famous 
bronze cock which gave the name of the " Cockerel 
Church " to the New Brick Church, and which stood 
at the summit of its spire as its weather vane for one 
hundred and forty-eight years. This cock could be 
seen far out at sea and was a notable landmark in old 
Boston. It now stands at the summit of the spire of 
the Shepard Memorial Church in Cambridge. Dea- 



2o6 

con Drowne's shop was in Anne Street. He died in 
1774 at the age of ninety-one. For more than sixty 
years he was a faithful, active, and influential mem- 
ber of this church. He served it as deacon for fifty- 
three years, which is a longer period of service than 
any other deacon has given to the church. 

"April 2 d . 1 72 1. It was voted by the Church that 
on days of fasting & thanksgiving their should be a 
Collection for the poor of ye Church." l This was 
the beginning of stated offerings for the poor. 

" May 5 th 172 1 Voted at a Church Meeting that if 
providence at any time prevents our Elder or Pastor 
from coming forth on the Sacrament day that then 
his father proceed to administer the ordinance as 
formerly." l Pastor Callender had a feeble constitu- 
tion, and his manifold labors often prostrated him. 
It was fortunate that his father, now a venerable man, 
was closely associated with him. 

The extraordinary exhibition of fraternal relations 
at the recent ordination greatly pleased the English 
Baptists, and a correspondence sprang up between 
Mr. Callender and Thomas and John Hollis, mer- 
chants, of London. The latter were wealthy and 
devout Baptists, whose liberal benefactions were 
widely known in their own city. They now pro- 
posed to show their appreciation of the treatment 
of their brethren in Boston by a liberal donation 
to Harvard College. Accordingly, Thomas Hollis 
founded the Hollis Chair of Divinity, with a salary 
of eighty pounds per annum attached. He also gave 
" an exhibition of ten pounds apiece per annum to 

k< Church Record." 



207 

ten scholars of good character, four of whom should 
be Baptists, if any such were there," ten pounds to 
the college treasurer for his trouble, and ten pounds 
to supply losses or to increase the number of stu- 
dents. 1 This was the largest benefaction which the 
college had yet received from one individual, and 
remained its largest gift until recent years. In 1726 
Mr. Hollis founded a Chair of Mathematics and Ex- 
perimental Philosophy, with a salary of eighty pounds 
attached. He also sent apparatus at an expense of 
one hundred and fifty pounds, and added many books 
to the library. He expressed the desire that his 
friend, Rev. Elisha Callender, should be appointed 
one of the overseers of the college. By the charter 
of that time the ministers of Boston were constituted 
the overseers, and they would not consent to his 
admission among them, and the request of Mr. Hollis 
was refused. Mr. Hollis supposed that he had suffi- 
ciently guarded his theological foundation so that 
orthodox instruction upon it was forever guaranteed. 
Later events have not justified his hope or expecta- 
tion. The total amount of the benefactions of the 
Hollis family " exceeded six thousand pounds cur- 
rency of Massachusetts, which, considering the value 
of money at that time, and the disinterested spirit by 
which their charities were prompted, constitutes one 
of the most remarkable instances of continued benevo- 
lence on record." 2 

The church also had correspondence with Mr. Hol- 
lis on its own account, as the following letters show : 

1 Neal's "Hist, of N. E.," pp. 220-1. 
2 Quincy, "Hist, of Harvard College." 



208 

The Coppy of A Letter sent unto M r Thomas & John Hollis of 
London dated March the second 172^. Boston. Hon r ed S rs . 

According to y r Expectacon, we should have sent you some 
accompt of our proceeding Relateing to our meeting house, but ye 
generall Calamity In which we have had A Share (viz) the small 
pox has p r vented us till now : We chose our three brethren who 
have signed the Accompt, and after some generall directions, left 
them to Manadg, In the most prudent maner, and we are fully 
Sattisfyed, that they Acted with prudence and good contrivance, 
and this there Accompt which we send you, is to our satisfaction. 
We desired to be sensible of our obligations, and as before, soe 
now againe we send you our hearty thanks. Our howse is now 
much Warmer, and far more comfortable, to carry on the Worshipp 
of god, than itt was before. May the great god Accept ye good 
designes, and owne us In Seeking the Advancement of his king- 
dome. This is and shall be our desire & prayer to him, who is 
ye god of all grace, to whome we commend each of you, wishing 
you An Abundant Entrance Into the Kingdome of our glorious 
Redeemer. 

Y r oblidged Brethren & fellow servants In the 
Service of Jesus Christ. 
Signed att A Church Meeting March 2 d 172^ 

Elisha Callend" 
Ellis Callender 
Leonard Drown 
BENJ a Landon 1 

In 1 72 1 the small-pox raged virulently in Boston, 
and out of a population of about twenty thousand 
between eight and nine hundred died. Soon after 
" the practise of innoculation was set up . . . and 
Dr. Zabdiel Boylston was the chief actor in it." 

A Coppy of a Letter Sent to Mr Jn° & Thomas Hollis of Lon- 
don for thirty pounds N : England money sent us to Plaister & 
whitewash our meeting house. 

1 "Church Record." 



209 

Hone d & Belov d in our Lord Jesus Christ 

We are glad that our accounts of your money in the Repair of 
our meeting house have been approved by you and now send 
again our hearty thanks for your Repeated bounty & liberality : 
Mr Tyler was ready to Comply with your note & the money we 
have " Improved in plaistering our house & whiting it ; As we are 
persuaded you aim chiefly at ye glory of god so we shall make it 
our prayer that god would accept you in this and all your endeav- 
our to advance & promote the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ. 
We wish each of you Grace & peace & Love from ye god of all 
Grace & from our Lord Jesus Christ, and then according to ye 
Apostle you have Sowed so bountifully may Reap also bountifully. 
We commend Each of you to the word of god and the good 
Spirit of god to be an Earnest of your Inheriting the Kingdom of 
heaven, and may that good Spirit guide & lead you till you shall 
be brought to glory & O that we may all at last appear compleat in 
the Lord Jesus Christ at his Second Coming. 

We Subscribe y r Obliged friends and Brethren 

Ellis Callender 
Elisha Callender 
Shem Drowne 
Josias Byles 
James Pitson, 

&C: 1 

The first gift of the Hollises was one hundred and 
five pounds two shillings, and the Committee on Re- 
pairs was Deacons Byles and Drowne and Mr. David 
Landon. The second gift " for the plaistering and 
whiting of the Meeting house" 1 was thirty pounds. 

Their gifts did not stop with these, for the following 
letter appears in our Records (about 1724): 

A Coppy of a letter sent to M r John & Thomas Hollis in Lon- 
don, Merchants, for sixty pounds New England money sent to 
make Conveniences for the administration of Baptism. 

*" Church Record." 



2IO 

Honored & beloved in our Lord Jesus Christ : 

Your Repeated Bounty & Charity Calls for our Repeated thanks 
& we take this opportunity to send them. We can make you no 
other Return than that of our humble prayers to god that he would 
Reward you & we hope we shall never fail of this. We joyne 
with you in your wishes that we may have many ocasions to use 
the garments you have sent us. When the Season of ye year will 
allow us, we shall build two Small apartments for ye convenient 
administration of Baptism. The Cold weather being so far ad- 
vanced that it cannot be done this winter. We shall use all Pru- 
dence & send you word when finished & hope what you have sent 
is Enough. We wish each of you grace & peace from our Lord 
Jesus Christ while you are Labouring to promote his Kingdom & 
his Ordinances & we wish Each of you at last the Reward of wise 
& faithfull Stewards & that you may Receive the Sentence of well 
Done, good & faithfull Servants : So pray your obliged friends & 
Brethren in Gospell Bonds. 

Signed in behalf of ye whole 

Elisha Callender 
Ellis Callender 
Josias Byles. 1 

It has been suggested that the first meeting-house 
was built near the water for convenience in baptizing. 
There is no evidence whatever of any such motive. 
The house was built on private grounds belonging to 
Philip Squire, a member of the church, and was paid 
for by him jointly with Ellis Callender. A country 
lane led up to it, through his garden, from the high- 
way which ran from Boston to Charlestown, by the side 
of the mill pond. It was a wooden structure, fashioned 
more after the style of a dwelling-house than of a 
church, so that it might excite as little as possible of 
animosity on the part of the ministers and govern- 

1 " Church Record." 



211 

ment. The conveniences for baptism were duly made 
at the rear of the lot, beside the wharf, and immedi- 
ately behind the meeting-house. This wharf was 
built out into the ancient mill pond, which was a salt 
water basin opening out from the harbor. The tides 
kept the waters of the mill pond sweet and clean. It 
has been filled in, and long since built over with 
blocks of houses. The first meeting-house, built in 
1679-80, was used until 1737, when the increasing 
prosperity of the church compelled its enlargement. 

Att a Church Meeting Jan? 13 I72|, voted that Such of the 
members of ye Church as are disposed and appear within three 
months time to build Pews in the meeting house for their Conve- 
nience may have leave to do so under the Limitations and Re- 
strictions which follow : 

1 That any of ye members of ye Church at any time have free 
leave to goe into ye pews & and it shall not be taken amiss by 
them that have built them. 

2 That every person who has a pew shall hold it by ye vote of 
the Church, and whenever any one pew or more become vacant, 
or when any sees Cause to leave his pew, the Church paying him 
what he gave for the seting it up, the pew shall fall into the 
hands of ye Church & be wholly at their Disposal. 

Bach pewholder must build his own pew and 
furnish it according to his notion. The custom of 
letting every pewowner build his pew after his own 
notion resulted often in great diversity of form and 
furnishing. The pews were box shaped, but very 
irregular in form. Some were sum ptuously furnished, 
and some were little more than bare wooden benches. 

The church was now greatly prospered. Many 
new members were received. Many persons of 
education and standing were attracted to the preach- 



212 

ing of the cultivated pastor. He was highly esteemed 
by all classes for his learning, his discretion, and his 
fervid evangelical zeal. John Comer was baptized 
January 31, 1727. He was educated at Cambridge 
and New Haven, but became converted to Baptist 
views. He soon began to preach and finally became 
pastor of the Newport (R. I.) Church. He kept a 
" Diary " of events, both secular and ecclesiastical. 
He planned a careful history of the Baptists in 
America, and traveled extensively, collecting facts in 
furtherance of the plan, but he died at an early age 
before his work was consummated. John Cal lender, 
a nephew of the pastor, was baptized June 4, 1727. 
He graduated from Harvard College in 1723. He 
was educated on the Hollis foundation. He became 
the distinguished pastor of the Newport Church, and 
had a career of great usefulness until his early death 
in 1748. His "Century Historical Discourse" in 
1738 is the only reliable basis for the early history of 
the colony of Rhode Island, and has a priceless 
value. Jeremiah Condy, Jr., was baptized March 29, 
1730. He graduated from Harvard College in 1726, 
and afterward became pastor of this church. Rev. 
Blisha Callender seems to have been peculiarly attrac- 
tive to young college-bred men, and was the means 
of introducing into the Baptist ministry numbers of 
such men at a time when educated men were com- 
paratively rare among us. 

May 8. 1727. At a Church meeting : William Snell By his 
last will & testament having given to ye Church the Remaining 
part of his Estate when his funeral charges & Debts were paid 
& his Legacys made good. It was laid before the Church by 



213 

Ellis Callender administrator to ye said Snell Estate and there Re- 
mained to ye Church forty one Pounds & Some odd Shillings & 
twelve ounces of Plate & twelve pennyweight which was then 
Delivered up by him to ye Church. Voted that the twelve ounces 
of plate should be made into a handsome Cup with his name 
upon it and as left by him to ye Church in his last will and 
Testament, But one Spoon be Reserved with his name upon it for 
ye use of ye Lord' s Table. x 

This cup is still in the possession of the church, 
although it is not now used. The spoon, which is 
marked a W m Snell 1727," has been put month by 
month upon the communion table since that date, and 
has been used by all the pastors of the church, ex- 
cepting four. His memory has thus remained living 
in the church which he loved and into which he was 
baptized in 1695. 

In 1727 a spontaneous movement in favor of Bap- 
tist doctrines sprang up in and around Springfield, 
Mass. Some members of this church had gone there 
to live, and became the rallying center of this new 
activity. An earnest desire was expressed that a 
Baptist minister should visit them, and a formal let- 
ter, signed by about thirty persons, was sent to Boston 
asking that the church would send Mr. Callender to 
give them further instruction. They say : 

Although we are no church, nor members of any church, yet 
we have formerly looked upon ourselves, at least some of us, to 
have been members of such church or churches whose faith and 
practice is to baptize, or rather sprinkle, infants ; but through 
God's goodness, by searching the Scriptures, and such other 
helps as we have received from some of your church, have been 
made sensible that our former practice with relation to baptism 
1 "Church Record." 



214 

has been grounded too much upon the traditions of men . . . 
and understanding that the Church at Boston practises and allows 
of no other but believers baptism, we the subscribers do there- 
fore spread our case before the church, ' ' & etc. 

They declare that they had " never heard a sermon 
preached by a Baptist." 1 This letter of appeal met 
with a prompt response : 

At a Church Meeting July 6. 1727. 

The Church having Received a Letter from a Number of 
serious People at Springfield who Desired to have some Instruc- 
tion in ye Doctrine of Baptism and at ye Same time Desiring 
their advice : The Church took their Letter into Consideration & 
voted upon it that their Elder Elisha Callender should make a 
visit to y m and at ye Same time voted that Deacon Drowne should 
accompany him and Brother Sam 11 Sweetzer & Brother Bound 
should accompany him also and that such of the Brethren as 
live in those parts who may Conveniently meet them doe meet 
them there and appear in the name of ye Church. Brother Still- 
man & Brother Molton were particularly mentioned & voted by 
the Church to appear in their behalf. Voted at ye same time 
that the charges of the journey be defrayed out of the Money 
which ye Church has lying by them. 2 

1727. In the Month of July the Church having Received a 
Letter from a Number of People at Springfield in w c they Desire 
advice & Direction and a visit from ye Church. It was voted 
that ye Elder accompanied with three Messengers from ye Church 
should goe to y m and having been with them some time & 
preached unto y m & discussed with them, Eleven Persons Desired 
to be baptized & accordingly were Baptized on ye 23 July, viz : 

John Leonard of Springfield 

Ebenezer Leonard of Springfield 

William Scott of Springfield 

Abell Leonard of Springfield 

Jonathan Worthington & his wife of Springfield 

2 Backus, "Hist," Vol. I., p. 513. x "Church Record." 



215 

Victory Sykes Living at Suffield 
Thomas Lamb of Springfield 
John Bullin Living at Brimfield 
Richard Gardner of Springfield 
Mercy Lawton Living at Suffield. 1 

This visit to Springfield greatly stirred the oppo- 
sition of the ministers of the Standing Order, and 
they sent a letter of protest to Mr. Callender, in which 
they blame him for not first coming to them, and ob- 
taining their consent to the visiting of people within 
their parish boundaries. 

' ' We cannot think, ' ' they say, ' ' that preaching to or treating with 
particular persons in a private manner, to instil into them doctrines 
that we think are not according to truth and godliness, to be so 
Christian-like : and we assure you is not what we expected from 
Mr Callender, whatever we might have feared from some others." 2 

This letter did not deter Mr. Callender from visit- 
ing Springfield in the following year, to encourage 
and counsel these members of his own flock, for they 
were now members of this church. 

1728 Sept r By ye advice & Consent of ye Church, the Elder, ac- 
companyied with Severall of the Brethren went again to Springfield 
and upon his journey thither Baptized Hannah Marsh, the wife of 
Brother Marsh at Sutton and at Springfield on 1 5 Sepr Baptized 

Thomas Durgee of Canada In Connecticut 

Daniel Bloget of Stafford 

Hannah Kibbee of Infield 

Sarah Leonard of Springfield 

Mary Ball of Springfield 

Submit Monger of Brimfield. 3 

1 " Church Record." 2 Backus, Vol. I., p. 514. 

3 "Church Record." 



2l6 

It is evident that Baptist doctrines were spreading 
into the surrounding region, and were receiving by 
many a very cordial acceptance. This second visit, 
together with the evident increase in Baptist member- 
ship and influence, aroused the ministers of Spring- 
field even more than the first visit. They sent the 
following letter : 

Reverend Sir : Our laboring to wait upon you together on last 
year, not being well received by some, we shall not now take pains 
after any such thing ; but take this method to ask you whether 
you came prepared for and expecting of a public dispute concern- 
ing the subjects and modes of baptism. We ask your answer by 
the bearer. 

From, Sir, your humble servants, 

Daniel Brewer 
Stephen Williams 
Springfield September 16, 1728 Saml Hopkins. 1 

To this letter Mr. Callender made reply : 

Springfield, September 17, 1728. 
Reverend Sir : It is not my custom and manner to go about the 
country to dispute and debate and wrangle with those that differ 
from me in opinion. It is well known that I am for peace with 
all men, and for Christians to live in love and charity, and for 
every man to act as he is fully persuaded in his own mind. But 
if you will not be quiet and easy, and will insist upon it that your 
people must hear what is to be said in opposition to what I think 
contrary to truth and godliness, you may inform, Sir, your humble 
servant, 

Elisha Callender. 2 
To the Reverend Mr Daniel Brewer. 

I do not know what was the outcome of this cor- 
respondence, but the ministers might well hesitate in 

1 Backus, " Hist.," Vol. I., p. 516. *Ibid., 514. 



217 

regard to a public discussion, for that meant a wider 
dissemination of the Baptist teachings. It is known 
that Baptists continued to increase in numbers in all 
that region. In August, 1731, Mr. Callender went 
again to Springfield and baptized nine persons, and 
at Sutton five persons. In June, 1733, at their request 
he went again, and baptized ten persons. All these 
became members of this church, and constituted an 
outstation. It was not until 1740 that they were 
gathered and set apart as an independent church. On 
March 20, 1737, Edward Upham was baptized in 
Boston and began soon after to preach. He was a 
graduate of Harvard College in 1734. He was or- 
dained, October 15, 1740, to be the pastor of the newly 
organized church at Springfield. In 1749 he became 
the pastor of the church in Newport, but in 1771 re- 
turned to Springfield, where he died in 1795. He 
was heavily taxed for the support of the orthodox 
churches, and was harassed in other ways, so that the 
church did not grow to the extent of which it gave 
an early promise. Elder Callender was abundant in 
labors at this time, as is evidenced by his visits to 
many neighboring towns, and baptizing many persons 
who could not easily come to Boston. The church 
had representative members in many parts of the 
commonwealth. Salem, Lynn, Dedham, Billerica, 
Woburn, Maiden, Medfield, Marshfield, Scituate, Hull, 
Newton, Springfield, Sutton, Leicester, and many 
other towns were thus represented. The pastor was 
the center of many activities. His spirit was genial 
and catholic. He was a cultivated, Christian gentle- 
man, and was universally admired and beloved. He 



2l8 

was firm and consistent in his views of truth, and a 
thorough Baptist. He was wholly tolerant, and not 
fond of controversy. The church w r as very prosperous 
under his faithful care. 

"At a Church Meeting Sep r 8. 1728. Voted that our 
Brother Skinner Russell be desired from that time 
forward to Set the Psalm in Publick." 1 The singing 
in public worship of that time was wonderful in its 
variety and lack of harmony. There were no instru- 
ments of music. The Psalms, distorted into something 
which was strangely supposed to be meter, were sung. 
The irregularity of the metre made it impossible to 
fit any regular tune to a psalm. Sometimes, when 
the psalm was long, the singing w T ould occupy a half- 
hour, during which the congregation stood, and each 
one sang a tune which seemed to have little connec- 
tion with the tune of any other singer. The result 
was a singular babel of sounds in which harmony was 
not the most noticeable feature. The one hundred 
and thirty-third Psalm furnishes illustration of the 
irregularity of the metre : 

How good and sweet to see 
i' ts for bretheren to dwell 
together in unitee ; 

Its like oyle that fell 
the head upon 
that down did flow 
the beard unto 
beard of Aron 
The skirts of his garment 
that unto them went down ; 

1 "Church Record." 



219 

Like Hermons dews descent 
Sions mountains upon 
for there to bee 
the Lords blessing 
life aye lasting 
commandeth hee. 

The singers had no notes before them and each one 
sang pretty much at his own pleasure. It cannot be 
denied that they enjoyed their own singing and 
entered into it with peculiar zest. Perhaps the very 
defiance of all the rules of music gave them a sense, 
of unconstraint, which was the chief element of their 
delight. " Lining out the psalm " was an effort to 
get the congregation into something of musical order- 
liness, but it met with great opposition from those 
" who loved the old way." The new way seemed an 
encroachment upon liberty, and the conflict waxed 
hot in the colony, but the " liners " finally won the 
day. 

The new method was no great improvement over 
the old. No method could make psalms metred 
after the fashion of " The Bay Psalm Book," to be 
sung well. Lining was an advantage where the 
books were few. Mr. Skinner Russell was to set 
the tune, but there is no evidence that this church 
adopted "lining" at this date, although it did after- 
ward. Public worship was very simple. Reading 
the Scriptures to the congregation was not then in 
vogue. 

In 1699 a new church in Boston (the Brattle Street) 
was organized, because of dissent from the custom of 
not reading the Scriptures in public worship and the 



220 

requiring a relation of experience as a prerequisite to 
admission to the Lord's table. Rev. Benjamin Col- 
man, its pastor, began at once to read the Scriptures, 
but in the Second Church they were not read until 
1729. 1 One psalm was sung without instrumental 
accompaniment, a prayer and the sermon followed. 
The service would not be overlong even if the sermon 
were longer than at present. In 1726, Rev. John 
Comer first introduced singing into the service of the 
Newport Church. 

"July 7. 1740. The Church voted to sing that 
Version of the Psalms done by Dr. Brady & M r Tate, 
so long as no objections should be offered against 
it." 2 It is surprising that such a loophole for the 
objector to enter should have been left open, for the 
Puritan w r as a somewhat chronic objector to any inno- 
vation. It may be that the broad invitation in this 
vote, for any one to object who desired, was really 
the safeguard of unanimity in the use of the " Tate & 
Brady Version." For once the objector seems to 
have kept silent. 

1729 Sep r 7 : The Church Received a small Silver Cup the 
Legacy of M r John Foreland & his first wife who was a member 
of the Baptist Church in Boston : marked I -c 3 

Mrs. Foreland became a member in 1686, but her 
husband never united with the church. This cup is 
now in the possession of the church, but is no longer 
used at communion. 

1 Robbins, "Hist. Second Church," p. 180. 
2 Comer, "Diary." 3 " Church Record. " 



221 

173 1 Oct 1 " 8 The Church Received a Letter from a Church at 
Newport on Rhoad Island Desiring assistance in the Ordination of 
M r John Callender whom they had cho'sen to be their minister. 
Accordingly the Church Sent their Elder & Deacons to assist & 
that affair was carried on Octor 13. 1731. 1 



John Callender possessed fine intellectual qualities, 
which, added to a refined social nature and a devout 
spirit, made him greatly admired and beloved. He 
seems to have much resembled his uncle in character. 

May 9. 1732 Deacon Drowne & Brother Landon & Brother 
Ephraim Craft were appointed a Committee to make more conve- 
nient place for administering Baptism and so to order it that we 
may always have the command of water. l 

They doubtless experienced difficulty at low tide, 
and so arranged for a place which the tides would not 
so easily disturb. They continued, however, to bap- 
tize in the mill pond at the rear of the church lot. 
Baptism in the open air was not abandoned until 1830. 

Being sent for to Marshfield I there Baptized on the 20 Oct r 
1734 Nathan Sprague Timothy Rogers Jeremiah Crooker John 
White Jun r Elizabeth Low Mary White. 1 

1736 August 1. Samuel Williamson Joanna Williamson Mar- 
garet Howland were Baptized & added & at ye same time Jere- 
miah Crooker who had been Baptized at Marshfield were added 
to ye Church. 1 

In the preceding May these and other persons had 
written a very earnest letter to Elder Callender en- 
treating him to visit Marshfield again to preach and to 
baptize, 2 but the state of his health, which was already 

1 "Church Record." 
2 Ford, "Centennial Hist. First Baptist Ch., Marshfield," pp. 6, 7. 



222 

beginning to decline, would not allow of such a visit. 
Hence those who desired baptism were compelled to 
visit Boston for that purpose. 

It was in these ways that this church reached out 
to all the region around, and gathering little groups 
of disciples here and there, held them for the time 
being in its own membership, while the way was be- 
ing prepared for establishing them in independent 
churches. 

A Coppy of a Letter Sent to our Bretheren at Sutton, Decern 1 " 
1 73 1. Beloved Bretheren. Your Letter we have Received & 
considered the contents &ec. Considering the Relation between 
us & the tender Regard we have for you, we would be far from 
discouraging you in so good & great a work as you have proposed 
& shall be glad to hear that true & undefiled Religion flourishes 
in your parts. But yet we think it our duty to caution you to doe 
nothing Rashly & to consider well what is before you. It is a 
great work & we would advise you to sit down & count the cost 
& to consider you are in the midst of many Enemies who will 
watch for your halting & will Improve Everything in the worst 
Sense. But more particularly as to ye first thing you mention that 
it is your unanimous Desire to be Embodied in a Church We 
should have been glad you had tarried till you had been more in 
number. But if you have Covenanted together we wish you In- 
crease & the Presence of Christ to be with you and as to the Second 
particular, That you may have an Elder ordained among you, 
we heartily wish you had a Suitable person Settled among you 
one that might goe in & out before you. But we fear you are not 
Ripe Enough nor yet in a capacity to doe your duty on all accounts 
to Such an one & Thirdly that you have chosen Brother Marsh to 
the office of an Elder. To this we must needs say we think you 
have been too Rash. Not that we have aught against our Brother 
Marsh for he has a very good Report of them that are without & 
we Esteem him in love, but if you had chosen any other Person 
from among you we should have thought the same. The Scrip- 
ture sais lay hands Suddenly upon no man, & it is the Custom & 



223 

Practise of the Churches of our Denomination to have some proof 
& triall of Gifts & qualifications of those who are called to office 
& it is but Reasonable & we think it would have been very proper 
we should have some knowledge of the accomplishments of such 
a person before you called him, and to be sure before we proceed 
to advise & to assist in his settlement. We believe it is a day of 
Temptation with you, & we are afraid you have been too hasty in 
the whole affair, however at this distance we are not so Capable of 
forming a true Judgment as if we were better acquainted with 
your circumstances. We beg that you would not be troubled nor 
discouraged that we have spoken so freely to you & that you would 
consider the difficulties of the Season together with what we have 
mentioned to you & wait awhile & see how Providence will work 
for you. We are informed that our General Assembly are about 
Passing an Act this session in favour of the Baptists which will 
prevent the officers from Spoiling and abusing you as they have 
done some others & we hope it will be no Reall damage if you 
defer what you have Proposed a little longer : 

Signed by order & in behalf of ye Church. l 

I have quoted the whole of this letter because it 
exhibits the wise, kind, and courteous spirit of Elder 
Callender, who composed it, and also because of its 
historic interest. This plain but fraternal advice ac- 
complished its purpose, and the brethren decided to 
make haste slowly in forming a new organization. 
There was at this time, living at Sutton, quite a large 
group of members of this church, and preaching was 
maintained. 

At a Church Meeting Aug 3 1735. The Church Considering 
the Letter & Desire from the Bretheren at Sutton & Leister to 
be Dismissed that they may gather into a particular Church & 
finding their Reasons to be Weighty Did Unanimously grant 
them a Dismission. 1 

1 "Church Record." 



224 

The members who had been baptized by Mr. Cal- 
lender in his visits there were Benjamin Marsh and 
Hannah his wife, John Bound and wife, William Ven- 
ing, Jonathan Marsh, Joseph Wakefield and wife 
Mary, Sarah Davis, Joseph White, Thomas Green, 
Abigail Green, Judith Gitchell, Jonathan Newell, 
Elizabeth Richardson. Elder John Comer also bap- 
tized several persons who became members of the 
new church. 1 

Acts for the exemption of Baptists from taxation 
for the support of the ministers of the Standing 
Order, and for the erection of their meeting-houses, 
were passed with great reluctance by the Massachu- 
setts Assembly, and they were so worded as to prove 
inoperative. No redress could be obtained under 
them. The hope which Mr. Callender expresses in 
his letter proved fallacious. The tyranny of Governor 
Andros greatly shook the Puritan power and ascend- 
ency. He had established worship according to the 
Book of Common Prayer in the Old South meeting- 
house. He threatened that " public worship in the 
Congregational way should not be tolerated," if the 
factious opposition to him did not cease. His down- 
fall gave them temporary relief. The new royal 
charter of 1691, bestowed on the Massachusetts Col- 
ony, was liberal enough in its provisions to protect 
both Episcopalians and Baptists, but in defiance of it 
the Assembly in 1692 passed an Act : 

That every minister being a person of good conversation, able, 
learned and orthodox, that shall be chosen by the major part of 
the inhabitants of any town . . . shall be the minister of such 

1 Backus, "Hist.," Vol. II., p. 29. 



225 

town ; and the whole town shall be obliged to pay towards his 
settlement and maintenance, each man his several proportion 
thereof. l 

Boston would not submit to this law, and in 1693 
was exempted by legislative enactment. The rest of 
the Commonwealth came under the tyranny of this 
law. There was distress everywhere on account of 
the exactions of the officers, and the annoyances and 
sufferings which ensued constitute a dark chapter in 
the history of that time. The narration of it does 
not pertain to the history of this church, which hap- 
pily suffered only through its sympathies with its sis- 
ter churches. 

In 1728 there was passed an act exempting Baptists 
and Quakers from the odious tax, during a period of 
five years, in so far as their polls but not their estates 
were concerned. But even then the officers contrived 
ways of harassing dissenters. In this and subsequent 
acts no penalty was attached for official disobedience 
of the law, and the officers in many towns still per- 
sisted in collecting the taxes, and in the sale of prop- 
erty seized for taxes, where Baptists refused to pay. 
Again the Boston jail began to receive Baptists from 
the country, who were arrested for failure to pay a 
tax from which the law exempted them. The ad- 
ministration of justice was wholly in the hands 
of those who were hostile to dissent. This church 
could not remain an unmoved spectator of the suffer- 
ings of its brethren, and its pastors were among the 
most outspoken in protest, and in efforts to gain re- 
dress. They visited and comforted their brethren in 

1 Ford, "New England Struggles," p. 149. 



226 

Boston jail. They petitioned the General Court. They 
constantly appealed to the consciences, the sense of 
justice, and the love of liberty of their fellow-citi- 
zens. 

The church had grown so steadily under the useful 
ministry of Mr. Callender that in the summer of 1737 
it was found necessary to enlarge the meeting-house. 
This was done. New pews were added, and the seat- 
ing capacity was largely increased. The prospects of 
the church were very bright. Religion throughout 
the colony was indeed at a low ebb, and a spirit of 
worldliness had possessed the churches, but in this 
church there were continued additions of those who 
manifested a vital godliness. In the midst of these 
encouraging prospects a great grief suddenly fell 
upon the church. 

Jan 29 173I-. Our worthy and Reverend M r Elisha Callender 
continued a serving faithfull Preacher of Christ to the 29 of Jan. 
173I-, being the Lords Day, preached his 2 last Sermons from the 
Second Psalm 12 the last Clase Blessed are all they that put their 
trust in Him. Sometime before he propounded three persons for 
baptism but his Indisposicion came so fast on him he was not 
able to administer the ordinance to them, and writes thus to 
brother Thomas Russell, "my Indisposicion of Body is Such and 
I am under such methods of cure as unfitts me altogether to attend 
the ordinance of Baptism to them. I am Heartily Conserned it is 
so with me, but there is no Resisting the Divine providence. ' ' 

His Illness Increased, but his Faith &' Patience continued to 
admiration and as he had Denied himselfe for Christ' s sake and 
Preached him faithfully and followed him fully so by grace he was 
Inabled to Declare that he had got the victory over Death and the 
grave, gave much good advice to his friends, Executed his last 
will with seriousness and a composed frame of mind. Being asked 
what word of advice he had for the church, said, away with all 



227 

Lukewarmness, a — way with it. Live in love that the God of 
Love and peace may be with you. Improve your time for your 
Standing in the Church will be short and that is the way to pre- 
pare for the Inheritance of the Saints in Light, and att 5 of the 
clock in the morning of March the 31 st he said I shall now sleep 
in Jesus and that moment Died, very much lamented by all that 
knew him and was Desently intered on the tuesday next being the 
4 day of April 1738. 1 

He was about fifty years of age and had been the 
beloved pastor for twenty years. One of the Boston 
papers of the time has the following notice : 

On Friday morning last, after a lingering sickness, deceased the 
Rev Mr Elisha Callender, Minister of the Baptist Church in this 
town : a gentleman universally beloved, by people of all persua- 
sions, for his charitable and catholic way of thinking. His life 
was unspotted and his conversation always affable, religious, and 
truly manly. During his long illness, he was remarkably patient 
and, in his last hours (like the blessed above) pacific and entirely 
serene : his senses good to the last. 2 

The records of the church contain a list of the 
brethren who subscribed one hundred and twelve 
pounds "towards Defraying the Charge of our Dear 
Deceased Pastors Funerall," and what moneys are 
left are to be paid to the minister's family. The 
funeral was evidently a State occasion and was par- 
ticipated in by many. The olden times do not seem 
to have been better than the modern in the matter of 
expensive funerals, and it is probable that the minis- 
ter's family did not receive a large residue of the 
money. Mr. Callender's death was a severe blow to 
the church, from which it did not really recover until 
almost thirty years had passed. 

1 "Church Record." 2 "Boston Evening Post," April 3. 



228 

The church immediately asked Elder John Callen- 
der, of Newport, and Elder Edward Upham, of Spring- 
field, to preach on the next Lord's Day. Mr. Upham • 
was asked "to preach to us one part of the day on 
Each Sabbath for three months," and his pay to be 
taken " out of the Weekly Contribusion," and the re- 
mainder of the weekly contribution was to be paid 
" to the ministers widow for the support of herself 
and Family." This arrangement, however, provided 
for but one-half of the Lord's Day. The church then 
appointed a committee, consisting of Deacon Byles, 
Deacon Drowne, and Brother Proctor, 

to wait on the Severall ministers of this town whose names are 
under written and Request of them In the name of the Church 
that Each of them be pleased to preach to us one part of the Lords 
Daye alternately untill they have preached once round, viz. Rev- 
erend Doctor Colman. Mr Cooper. Doc. Sewall. Mr Foxcroft. Mr 
Thacher. Mr Gray. Mr Prince. Mr Webb. Mr Gee. Mr Wellsted. 
Mr Checkley. Mr Mather. Mr Byles. Mr Hooper. Mr Chauncy. 1 

Not all of these were pastors. Some of them were 
teaching elders in their respective churches. The 
fact that this invitation was extended and accepted, 
shows how great a change had taken place in the at- 
titude of the Congregational churches toward this 
church. It was less than seventy years since the per- 
secution had been severe, almost beyond endurance, 
and even at this time Baptists were greatly harassed 
in other parts of Massachusetts. But in Boston the 
genial character of the Callenders, father and son, to- 
gether with the large benefactions to Harvard College 

1 "Church Record." 



229 

by that generous Baptist merchant, Mr. Hollis, had 
won fraternal recognition. 

Other causes had indeed contributed to this result. 
The Church of England had established itself in 
Boston under the powerful patronage of the king. 
The large increase of population by immigration had 
brought a miscellaneous assortment of people from 
every quarter, and they could not easily be held to 
the strict rule of the early Puritanism. There had 
been a very marked lessening of the spiritual fervor 
which characterized the first settlers. The Puritan 
churches were already under the baneful influence of 
the " Half-way Covenant," and were no longer the same 
in spirit as those of the pristine days. The influence 
of wealth-getting in a new world, and the limitless 
possibilities of trade and discovery, operated to relax 
the strenuousness of the earlier Puritan life. The 
temper of the times would not allow the old-time 
severities. Several exemption laws had been passed 
by the legislature of Massachusetts, but had been so 
adroitly worded as to make them in their actual 
working almost as odious and hateful as the severest 
laws. Nevertheless, neighborly relations with Bap- 
tists were growing, and the time when they could be 
thrust into jail for conscience' sake was almost gone 
forever. The death of Elder Callender brought out 
some fine exhibitions of the new fraternal spirit. It 
is not too much to say that he himself in his character 
and work was the largest factor in bringing about 
these changed and happier conditions. His name 
deserves a place of reverence and of great honor 
among Baptists. 



CHAPTER XI 

Ordination of Jeremiah Condy. The Whit- 
field Revival. Church in Springfield. 
Schism and Organization of Second 
Baptist Church. Samuel Still- 
man. Brown University. 
Warren Association. 



XI 

" Three persons had been propounded for baptism " 
when the pastor was ill and unable to baptize them. 
In July, 1738, Rev. John Callender, of Newport, was 
present in Boston, and the church by a formal vote 
requested him to administer baptism, to which he 
consented. They " were Decently Baptized with 
great Solemnity, a very great Number of Spectators 
being Present, and to all appearances were much 
affected." 1 The memories of the lately deceased pas- 
tor and the sacredness of the symbol of baptism were 
well calculated to make a great solemnity. It was 
natural that the church should turn to Rev. John Cal- 
lender and hope to make him their pastor, but he was 
too firmly settled in Newport to be readily moved. 
Mr. Upham continued to preach for them until 
August 20, when Mr. Jeremiah Condy arrived from 
London. The church immediately sent him con- 
gratulations on his safe arrival and desired him to 
preach to them on one part of the Lord's Day. 

On October 12, 1738, at a church meeting, "it was 
unanimously voted by eighteen Bretheren then present 
that the Revrend M r Jeremiah Condy be Desired to 
accept the Pastoral Charge over this Church." 1 
December 24 " M r Condy Publickiy declared to the 
Church and Congregation that he did accept the 
Churches Call." 1 

1 "Church Record." 
2 33 



234 

The church at once made arrangements for his 
settlement, and following the precedent set in the 
ordination of Mr. Callender, invited " Rev. M r Apple- 
ton of Cambridge M r Wi 11 Welsted M r Wi 11 Hooper 
and M r John Callender of Newport to assist & offici- 
ate att the Ordination of our Elected Pastor." 1 The 
letter sent to Cambridge was as follows .: 

Boston January 24. 1738. To the Church of Christ in Cam- 
bridge under the pastoral care of Rev d M r Nathanael Appleton. 
Hon d & beloved in the Lord. 

The Church of Christ in Boston lately under the care of the 
Rev d M r Elisha Callender deceased, having unanimously made 
choice of M r Jeremiah Condy to take upon him the pastoral 
charge of this Church, of which M r Condy has declared his ac- 
ceptance, — This is therefore. Hon d & beloved B rn to request of 
you to send your Rev d Elder & Messengers to assist at ye ordina- 
tion of our Said Elected Pastor on the Second Wednesday in 
February next — A request of the like tenoar with this we have 
made to the Churches in Boston under the care of ye Rev d Messrs 
Welsted & Gray, and M r W m Hooper & to ye Church in Newport 
under ye care of the Rev d M r John Callender, Hon d & Beloved, 
We heartily wish you all Spiritual blessing in Christ Jesus the 
glorious head of the Church, We are in behalf and by order of 
the Church your affectionate Brethren in the Gospel 

Shem Drowne Deacon 
John Callender 
James Bound 
Benj Landon 
John Proctor. 1 

These Congregational churches, together with the 
Newport Baptist Church, constituted the ordaining 
council. At the ordination of Mr. Callender none 
but Congregational churches had been invited. 

1 "Church Record." 



235 

The council was organized Feb. 14, 1738, "at the 
house of Brother Skinner Russell," by the choice of 
Mr. Appleton as moderator, 

and having agreed upon the public proceedings of the day ad- 
journed to the meeting-house, when the ordination was carried out 
in the following manner : — The Rev d M r Gray (M r Welsted not 
being present being very much indisposed) began with prayer. 
M r Callender preached from 1 Thessalonians 5 : 12. 13. M r 
Appleton (chosen moderator of the council) gave the charge, and 
M r Hooper the right hand of Fellowship. 1 

The sermon by Mr. Callender was by request of the 
church published. 

The Baptist Church in Swansea felt aggrieved by 
the action of this church in inviting Congregational 
churches to the council, and sent a letter of protest, 
in which they say : 

We shall be sorry to hear that you make use of, or improve, 
other ministers of other persuasions in the ordination of him 
whom you have chosen for that work : for we believe it to be not 
agreeable to your own principles : for we suppose you do not look 
upon them as persons regularly baptized, and, for that reason, not 
qualified to ordain your minister : for we do not find by the rules 
of the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ that any were received into 
the Christian Church before baptism, much less to ordain others 
to the work of the ministry. Therefore we pray you to take it 
into your serious consideration before you proceed : for if you 
proceed in that way, it will be matter of grief to us, and we be- 
lieve to the whole Church, and particularly to our brothers and 
sisters in Providence. 2 

How much of this protest was due to doctrinal 
strictness, and how much to the fact that the Newport 

1 "Church Record." 2 Backus, Vol. II., p. 33. 



236 

Church was invited and the Swansea and Providence 
churches were not, it is now impossible to tell. 

The protest did not avail. Mr. Condy had been 
resident in Newport in 1730, and by request had 
preached to the church there. In February, 1731, he 
was elected pastor of the church, but "some were 
very much dissatisfied," 1 and he did not remain very 
long. He became one of the founders of the Literary 
and Philosophical Society in Newport, which was the 
precursor of the Redwood Library. He was reputed 
to be an Arminian in his views, but it would appear 
that he was only lukew r arm in regard to high Calvin- 
istic views. He began his pastorate here with the 
fairest of prospects, but the church did not prosper 
under his ministry. He seems to have been a man of 
unblemished reputation. He married Sarah, daugh- 
ter of Deacon Shem Drowne. 

In October, 1739, the church voted "to have a lec- 
ture on the Wednesday (at 3 o'clock) before the first 
Lord's Day in every month." It also discreetly voted 
that " when the subscriptions for the Support of this 
Lecture fail, or there be a general neglect of attend- 
ance at it, i. e. by ye members of the Church in and 
about Town, the Elder of the Church may be entirely 
at Liberty to proceed with the Lecture or not." 2 By 
this arrangement the pastor would not be compelled to 
lecture to empty seats. What they had feared came 
to pass, for in October, 1742, 

the Brethren taking into Consideration the very thin appearance 
at the Lecture, voted that the Lecture be dropped, and desired 

1 Comer's "Diary," p. 115. 2 "Church Record." 



237 

the Elder to meet the Ch. at the meeting-house upon Friday 3 
"clock before every communion day, to assist them in their prepa- 
rations for the Sacrament of ye Supper by prayer and a Discourse 
suitable to the occasion, to which he consented. 1 

This preparatory lecture or discourse was long ob- 
served in New England, and is observed even now in 
many places ; but in recent years has given place to 
the covenant meeting which is commonly observed in 
Baptist churches. 

In the autumn of 1740 Rev. George Whitfield 
landed at Newport and began to preach wherever op- 
portunity offered. The " great revival " sprang up 
and spread to every part of New England. It was 
met by fierce opposition in many of the orthodox 
churches. The two colleges, Harvard and Yale, by 
official action arrayed themselves against it. Dr. 
Charles Chauncy, the leading minister of Boston, 
wrote a volume in opposition. The legislature of 
Connecticut passed laws intended to shut Whitfield 
and all other itinerant evangelists out of the State. 
Pamphlets flew thick and fast. Pulpits sought to ig- 
nore the movement, and ministers privately dissuaded 
their members from attending the meetings. But the 
fiercer the opposition the more the flame of revival 
spread. It seemed to sweep everything before it. It 
was not a revival in the churches but affected un- 
churched people. The climax was reached when 
Whitfield preached on Boston Common to twenty 
thousand people. New England was mightily stirred 
not only by the revival, but also by the controversies 
which it evoked. It has been estimated that between 
thirty and forty thousand persons were converted 



2 3 8 

within the two years of his ministry. The term 
" New Lights," given somewhat in derision, was ap- 
plied to the movement. Many converts not finding 
a welcome in the orthodox churches established new 
churches, some of which soon became Baptist. 

Unfortunately the pastors of the Newport Church 
and of this church did not sympathize with the New 
Lights movement. Their opposition resulted in the 
failure of these churches to profit by the great revival. 
Few new members were added during these two nota- 
ble years, and in general there was a distinct decline 
in numbers and influence in this church. It soon be- 
came engrossed with the work of discipline, for many 
of its members refused to walk with the church or to 
return to its fellowship. The preaching of Mr. Condy 
had much to do with this state of affairs. The mem- 
bers who sympathized with the New Lights revival 
found no encouragement, nor even tolerance, from 
their pastor. This led inevitably to the organization 
of a second Baptist church in Boston, with which the 
more aggressive and evangelistic members united, 
and the First Church still further declined in numbers 
and in power. 

Mr. Condy was, however, abundant in labors in 
Boston and elsewhere. In March, 1740, several breth- 
ren in Bellingham sent a letter requesting him, to= 
gether with some of his brethren, to make them a 
visit, and preach to them and administer the Lord's 
Supper. In April he visited them, " and two dis- 
courses were preached upon ye Lords day in the pub- 
lic meeting house of said town." 1 He did not admin- 

1 "Church Record." 



239 

ister the Supper but referred the matter to his own 
church for further consideration. The Baptists in 
Bellingham had organized themselves into a church, 
but he did not find their condition sufficiently satis- 
factory to warrant his recognition of them. He went 
again, September, 1741, and baptized five persons, and 
again in April, 1743, for the same purpose, and there- 
after visited them occasionally. 

August 4, 1740, the Baptists in Springfield, many 
of whom were members of this church, wrote request- 
ing a separate church organization. They requested 
that the pastor and messengers might be sent to help 
them "ordain the Rev M r Edward Upham whom we 
have unanimously made choice of to be our pastor." 1 
They also invited to the council the Baptist churches 
in Newport, Rehoboth, and New London. 

Springfield Oct 14. 1740 at the house of M r Lamberton Cooper 
the Church of Boston and the Church of Newport under the pas- 
toral care of M r John Callender, being met by their Elders and 
messengers, and formed into a Council, of which M r John Callen- 
der was chosen moderator, after Solemn prayer for the divine 
blessing on the important affair going to be transacted, the request 
of the Brethren of the Baptist denomination resident in and about 
Springfield to the church in Boston requesting their dismission for 
ye end aforesaid was read, and an attested Copy of the Vote of the 
church in Boston requesting y r dismission was produced — upon 
which the following persons appeared and Signified their desire to 
be dismissed for ye purpose abovementioned, namely. 
Edward Upham Victory Sykes Daniel Leonard 

John Leonard Joseph Bale Martha Leonard 

Eliakim Cooley John Remington Sarah Leonard 
Ebenezer Leonard Abel Leonard Mercy Bale 

Joseph Ely Lamberton Cooper Rachael Leonard 1 

1 "Church Record." 



240 

At 10 o'clock the next day they met at the house 
of Ebenezer Leonard, and Mr. Condy in behalf of 
the council gave them the hand of fellowship ; by re- 
quest of the church, Mr. Callender gave the charge, 
and Mr. Maxwell, from Newport, offered prayer. 
After this they 

proceeded to Rev M r Hopkins his meeting house, which was 
chearfully lent on this occasion, and M r Upham was solemnly 
separated to the work of ye Gospel Ministry and the pastoral Care 
of the Baptist Ch. in Springfield l 

Nov. 4, 1 741, Mr. Condy went to Brimfield to assist 
in the ordination of Mr. Ebenezer Moulton, their 
pastor-elect. This was the first Baptist church organ- 
ized in Hampshire County (organized 1736), and Mr. 
Moulton was its first pastor. In this, as in the Spring- 
field Council, only Baptists were represented. The 
precedent established in Boston was not followed. 

At a church meeting, Nov. 12, 1742, the minister 
gave notice that he had a letter dated Sept. 29, 1742, 
which was signed by James Bound, John Dabney, 
Thomas Boucher, John Proctor, and directed to him 
and the church. They declared that Mr. Condy and 
the members of the church had departed from the 
original faith of the founders, and that the preaching 
had become "so intermixed with Arminianism," that 
it was "like the high Arminian clergy." They de- 
manded categorical answers as to the minister's views 
on " eternal Election, Original Sin, Grace in Conver- 
sion, Justification by Faith, the Saints Perseverance," 
and declared that 

1 "Church Record." 



241 

their godly ancestors, the first founders of said church were strict 
Calvinists as to the points aforementioned, nor would they by any 
means, as we can prove, suffer a Free Wilier, or Arminian, if they 
knew a person so to be, to join with the church. 1 

The church voted unanimously that this letter 
should not be read and that no action should be 
taken. The minister pocketed the letter and the 
church made strenuous efforts to win these brethren 
back to its fellowship. Messengers were sent to 
them, but all in vain. Sister Ruth Bound, when the 
messenger went to her, answered that "that Text, 
' Come out from among them and be ye Separate,' 
had been much impressed upon her mind," l and she 
would not return to the church. Brother John Proc- 
tor was admonished, " but he was very stiff, and 
among other things which he said, asserted that they 
were all a parcel of Arminians." 2 Mr. Proctor was 
a somewhat noted schoolmaster of the town, which 
may have had something to do with his being " very 
stiff " in his doctrinal assertiveness. 

They were all finally " Suspended from Commun- 
ion " in 1743, and with others organized themselves, 
July 27, 1743, without the consent of this church, into 
an independent body. They met in the house of Mr. 
James Bound at the corner of Sheafe and Snowhill 
Streets, where they continued to worship about three 
years. They then removed to the schoolhouse of Mr. 
Proctor, near the corner of Tremont and Court Streets, 
and in March, 1746, met in the new meeting-house 
which they had built in Baldwin Place. It is now 
known as the Warren Avenue Baptist Church. For 

1 Letter in "Church Archives." 2 "Church Record." 



242 

many years they called themselves the First Baptist 
Church of Boston, because they claimed that the old 
church had so far departed from Baptist doctrine as 
held by the founders as to have lost right to the name. 
This claim was never made good. It is evident now 
that this church had not essentially changed its faith. 
Its leading members remained stanch Baptists 
throughout Mr. Condy's ministry and loyally sup- 
ported their pastor. It is doubtful if even he had 
changed as much as was charged. He did not sympa- 
thize with the " New Lights," nor did John Callender 
of Newport, whose Baptist orthodoxy was never ques- 
tioned. Beyond this there is nothing to prove that 
the church did not hold the faith of the founders. 

The new church called Mr. Ephraim Bound, son of 
James Bound, to be their pastor, but found it difficult 
to obtain his ordination. Almost all of the older 
Baptist churches had been opposed to the "New 
Lights " movement and were prejudiced against the 
new church. I do not find that they applied to this 
church for assistance, but doubtless they would have 
been refused if they had applied. Finally, with the 
aid of Elder Wightman of Connecticut and Elder 
Greene of Leicester, Mr. Bound was ordained Sep- 
tember, 1743, in Warwick. The new church grew 
rapidly in members and zeal, so that it numbered 
about one hundred and twenty members in 1765, 
when its first pastor was taken from them by death, 
while the First Church declined until it had not more 
than sixty members. 

Feb. 17, 1750, Mr. Condy informed the church that 
he was unable to support his family, 



243 

that the weekly contributions therefor had been lessening for some 
considerable time, and he was several hundred pounds in debt for 
his necessary support, and inasmuch as there was no great proba- 
bility of his receiving sufficient from them and the congregation 
to pay the charges of his family, the Church and Congregation 
being small, the times being difficult and the Country Brethren 
doing nothing towards the maintenance of the ministry, it was 
necessary for him to relinquish his place and endeavor in some 
other way to procure a Living. l 

The church proposed to send word to all the 
country brethren and to see what could be done. 
Twenty-one of them were notified, but only five came 
to the meeting. Nevertheless a special subscription 
was made for the minister, and he consented to re- 
main one year longer. He did remain fourteen years 
longer, but the records are so scant that there are no 
means of knowing how he maintained his family. 

"March n. 1759 This Day the congregation be- 
gan to sing without the Psalms being read, Line by 
Line, it being found most agreeable, tho the Church 
did not pass any vote respecting it." 1 This was a 
great innovation, and doubtless might not have car- 
ried if it had been put to a vote, but the congregation 
finding it " most agreeable " never again went back 
to lining out the psalm. 

Fast Day, April 3, 1760, the church took up a 
" collection of 143.^. for the sufferers by the great 
fire in Boston March 20." l It would appear that the 
pastor's unsatisfactory salary was not due to the 
poverty of the members if they could make so large 
a contribution. In 1764 Mr. Condy resigned his 
office and lived in retirement in Boston until his 

1 "Church Record." 



244 

death in 1768. He was buried in the "Common 
Burying Ground." Upon his retirement a very ten- 
der and affectionate letter was presented to him by 
the church, expressing their undiminished regard for 
him. He had the warm attachment of his brethren. 
His ministry, however, had brought the church to a 
low state, although there were still left in it some 
strong and noble laymen. The additions during his 
ministry of twenty-six years, and covering the whole 
period of the great Whitfield revivals, were forty by 
baptism and three by letter. 

Oct. 1, 1764, it was voted to sell sixteen pews 
which had been abandoned by the owners and pay 
" the Rev d M r Jeremiah Condy on account of the long 
& great Deficiency of his Sallary." ! The sum of 
thirty-two pounds was realized and paid him. Fifty 
years before, under the conditions of a similar minis- 
try, the church had reached the lowest point since its 
organization, and God graciously raised up to be their 
pastor that eminent man, Rev. Klisha Callender. 
Again was the church favored with a pastor who 
proved to be the most notable one whom it has had 
in all its history. Aug. 21, 1764, the church called 
Rev. Samuel Stillman to be its minister. He was 
born in Philadelphia in February, 1737 (O. S.), and 
was brought up in South Carolina. His education 
was largely by private instructors, and was both 
thorough and liberal. He gave early promise of an 
unusual career. He was ordained in Charleston, 
S. C, in 1759. He received the degree of M. A. in 
1760 from a college in Philadelphia, and in 1761 the 

1 " Church Record." 




Samuel Stillman, D. D. 
Minister, 1765-1807. 



245 

same degree from Harvard College. He was received 
everywhere with great favor because of his unusual 
pulpit gifts. A change of climate becoming imperative, 
because of some pulmonary difficulty, he came first to 
New Jersey and preached two years at Bordentown. 
He was then invited to become associate pastor with 
Mr. Bphraim Bound of the Second Baptist Church in 
Boston, and in 1763 accepted the invitation. He 
continued in that relation about one year when he 
became the pastor of this church, Sept. 9, 1764, and 
continued in that office more than forty-two years, 
until his death*, March 12, 1807. 

The church voted to give him "ten dollars a week 
as his salary & to find him his Fire wood." l In 1691 
the salary of the minister of the First Parish Church 
was " 40 shillings per week, 10^ fire wood per year, 
and the use of the ministry house." In 1726 the 
weekly salary had been increased to four pounds per 
week. The salary of Mr. Stillman was therefore re- 
spectable. When Mr. Thomas Baldwin was called 
to the Second Church in 1790, he was promised " $6 
per week, the ministers house and 15 cords of wood 
annually." This was soon increased to twenty dol- 
lars per week. 

Mr. Stillman had agreed to be associate pastor 
with Mr. Bound for one year, but it did not prove 
easy to arrange a satisfactory division of the pastoral 
duties. Some still clung to the old pastor, and a 
large number was greatly attracted to the eloquent 
young preacher. The church had very carefully pro- 
vided that during his life Mr. Bound should be known 

1 "Church Record." 



246 

as the senior pastor, and that he should share equally 
with his young associate in salary and emoluments. 
His honors, position, and support were so carefully 
guarded that those of his colleague seem to have been 
somewhat overlooked. It was not easy for a man of 
so brilliant gifts as Mr. Stillman to remain in a posi- 
tion of irksome subordination to a man of the most 
ordinary talents and acquirements. Nor was it 
agreeable to the crowd of friends and admirers who 
quickly gathered around him. It was not wholly 
easy for the old pastor to have associated with him a 
man of so exceptional and attractive parts as preacher 
and pastor, and who had won the unbounded admira- 
tion of all. In truth, no minister of his generation 
was more generally admired in Boston than Mr. Still- 
man. He was a man of eloquence, of culture, and 
of courtly breeding, in all of which things the senior 
pastor was lacking. 

The year did not pass without some friction be- 
tween the friends of the two pastors. When, there- 
fore, at the end of his year, the First Church invited 
Mr. Stillman to become its pastor, he readily ac- 
cepted, although not without vehement protest from 
the Second Church, which had hoped that he would 
ultimately become its sole pastor. Many members of 
the Second Church followed Mr. Stillman to his new 
charge and united with the First Church. Some of 
them obtained letters of dismission, and some of them 
did not. The breach between the two churches was 
greatly widened. They had never been reconciled to 
each other from the time of their separation. Their 
meeting-houses were less than a block apart. The 



247 

First Church was on the corner of Salem and Still- 
man streets, and the Second was in Baldwin Place, 
just off from Salem Street. 

Mr. Stillman was subjected to much unmerited 
criticism, and the unhappy feeling between the two 
societies ran high. There is nothing whatever to in- 
dicate that Mr. Stillman acted in any other than an 
honorable and Christian manner. The Second Church 
saw with chagrin when it was too late that they had 
lost their brilliant junior pastor. The First Church, 
which so long had been in a decline, entered at once 
on a career of great prosperity, which the fervid evan- 
gelistic gifts of the pastor greatly accelerated, wdiile 
the Second Church as steadily declined. For some 
years they were unfortunate in their choice of pastors, 
and their history was disheartening. 

In 1772 they became somewhat softened in their 
feeling toward Mr. Stillman, and voted that " he 
might preach in our meeting house," but he did not 
avail himself of this somewhat reluctant permission. 
The fourth pastor of the Second Church was Rev. 
Thomas Gair, who had been baptized while a youth 
into the First Church by Mr. Stillman. When he 
was installed, in April, 1788, the pastor of the First 
Church was among the officiating ministers, and from 
that time the breach was formally healed. The two 
churches have had only most loving relations in all 
the years since that day. 

In December, 1764, arrangements were consum- 
mated for the installation of Mr. Stillman, and the 
precedents set at the installations of Mr. Callender 
and Mr. Condy were followed. The ministers of the 



248 

orthodox churches in Boston were invited to conduct 
the service. The following letter was sent to them : 

To the Church of Christ in Boston under the Pastoral Care of 
the Rev d M r Ebenezer Pemberton. The Church of Christ in 
Boston under the care of the Rev d M r Condy, sendeth Greeting ; 
Rev d Honoured & Beloved, whereas our worthy Pastor the Rev d 
M r Jeremiah Condy who hath served us for 26 years in the Pas- 
toral office, inclines to resign his Care of us (which indeed we 
mention with affection and regret) we have with his entire appro- 
bation made choice of the Rev d M r Samuel Stillman to the Pastoral 
office amongst us : To which he hath consented : we have there- 
fore agreed to, appoint, Wednesday the 9 of January, if the Lord 
will, to be the Time of his Solemn & public Installment to that 
Sacred Charge. We therefore now humbly ask the Presence of 
your Rev d Elders & such other Delegates as you shall think proper 
to send with him to join in Council with the Rev d Elders & mes- 
sengers of several other Churches in carrying on the Business 
of the Day. In the meantime we request your prayers & wish 
Grace, Mercy, & Peace may rest upon you & the whole Israel of 
God, thro Jesus Christ our Lord to whom be Glory forever, amen, 
we are your affectionate Brethren in the Gospel. 

Signed by Order & in Behalf of the Church 
Deacon Shem Drowne 
Deacon John Bulfinch 
Deacon Nathan Hancock 

Thos. Crafts 
Boston Dec. 13. 1764. £liezer Callender . 

P. S. The other Churches applied to, are the Church of Christ 
in Brattle Street, the Old North Church & the New North Church 
all in Boston. 1 

For some unknown reason the Old South Church 
was not invited. 

January 9, 1765. The Reverend Elders & Delegates met at the 
House of Brother Thomas Crafts, formed themselves into a 
1 "Church Record." 



249 

Council, & after having adjusted everything previously necessary 
to the Installment, were about to proceed to the Meeting House, 
but finding it so full that there was not Room sufficient to accom- 
modate the Council, it was agreed to adjourn to the Old North 
Meeting House, where the Solemnity was thus conducted : The 
Rev d M r Cooper began with prayer, M r Stillman preached from 
2 Cor. i. 24. The Rev d M r Pemberton gave the Charge. The 
Rev d M r Eliot the Right Hand of Fellowship, the Rev d M r 
Checkley, Jun r , made the last prayer & the Rev d M r Condy took 
his leave of the Church with an affectionate Address. 1 

The Old North Church, where they met, was the 
second church of Boston, and was then located on 
Middle Street, and was the nearest church. 

It is a notable fact that Mr. Stillman was asked to 
preach the sermon at his own installation, and is 
proof of the enviable position which he had already 
won as an eloquent preacher. The great crowd at 
the meeting-house shows that the long declining 
church with its "thin attendance" had once more be- 
come a center of popular interest. 

It will be observed that no outside Baptist minister 
was invited to sit in the Council. It was doubtless 
due in part to the isolated position of the church, be- 
cause of Mr. Condy's views in regard to the New 
Rights movement. Mr. Stillman found himself at 
the beginning of his ministry confronted with several 
grave difficulties. The First and Second churches, 
located but a few rods apart, held no fraternal rela- 
tions. The First Church was also out of friendly 
relations with many other Baptist churches, and was 
itself in a low state. He conducted himself with 
singular wisdom and consecration. His ministry was 

1 "Church Record." 



250 

soon thronged with attendants. He preached the 
doctrines of grace after the manner of the earlier pas- 
tors of the church. Additions became numerous. His 
devout life and his courtly address gave him access 
to all classes of society. Fraternal relations were soon 
re-established with all the Baptist churches of, New 
England. Even the Second Church could not with- 
stand his genial and catholic spirit. No church could 
have given stronger evidence of assent and gratifica- 
tion than was given to the preaching of Mr. Stillman. 
There was no dissent from his strong Calvinistic doc- 
trinal views. It is safe to infer that the church had 
not been led far astray by the more lax views of the 
former pastor, but that they had upheld him because 
of their loyalty to a pastor, and because of his many 
excellent personal qualities. There w^as the same 
steady loyalty toward Mr. Stillman, and during the 
forty-two and a half years of his pastorate there was 
unbroken harmony. 

Oct. 17. 1764. Voted that all the Pews in the Meeting House 
(except the Ministerial Pews) be taxed for the support of the Gos- 
pel amongst us, and that the following Persons be a Committee 
for that Purpose, viz : 

M r John Bulfinch 
Nathan Hancock 
Tho s Crafts 
Philip Freeman 
Gershom Flagg. 
Voted that Brother Tho s Crafts Sen 1- be a Standing Treasurer for 
the Church. l 

This is the first record of a "standing committee" 
that is found in our annals. It was empowered to 

1 "Church Record." 



251 

tax all pews, to collect moneys, to settle disputes about 
pews, to repair the meeting-house, and to meet the ex- 
penses of the church. Before this time the minister 
had been supported by the weekly contributions, and 
this was supplemented by special subscriptions to 
meet deficiencies. The minister's salary had been very 
uncertain and his support precarious. The new sys- 
tem of a regularly paid salary and a definite financial 
support began with the beginning of Mr. Stillman's 
pastorate. It was found that the meeting-house needed 
repairs to the amount of five hundred and thirty-three 
pounds and ten shillings (Old Tenor), and the work 
was done immediately. Previous to this time all 
financial matters had been in the care of the deacons. 
Since that time all the expenses for maintaining 
public worship have been in the care of a standing 
committee. 

May 15, 1765, the church sent its pastor and dele- 
gates to aid in the recognition of a Baptist church in 
Haverhill. This body was gathered through the 
ministry of Rev. Hezekiah Smith. He had been an 
itinerant preacher and was in hearty sympathy with 
the New Lights movement. In the course of his 
preaching tours he came to Haverhill, and finding a 
number of Baptists, he organized them into a church 
and became their pastor. At his settlement his friends 
tried to secure the use of the First Parish Meeting- 
house at such times as it might not be in use by the 
regular society, but the Parish Committee refused 
them and vigorously lectured the twenty-two petition- 
ers, although some of them were leading citizens of 
the town, u for having itching ears and heaping one 



252 

Anabaptist preacher upon another, and for holding 
evening lectures which are oftentimes attended with 
a confused noise and indecent gestures." They re- 
fused the meeting-house as " a theatre for enthusiasts 
and fanatics to act all their wild and extravagant 
tricks in." This illustrates the attitude of the ma- 
jority of the churches of the Standing Order toward 
Baptists at this period. 

Mr. Smith was a graduate of Princeton in 1762, 
and took his M. A. degree there in 1765. He was a 
man of fine culture, of courtly manners, a notable 
gentleman, and of undoubted scholarship. He was 
tall and very impressive in personal appearance. He 
was one of the noblest Christian ministers of his 
generation. But all these things availed little in the 
face of the intense prejudice against dissent from the 
Congregationalist Church. He met with violent 
opposition. His life was often threatened and often 
assailed. He was stoned and mobbed, and otherwise 
maltreated because he had the temerity to plant Bap- 
tist churches within the geographical bounds of the 
regular parish churches. His career is a romance of 
dangers, of dauntless courage, of unwearied devotion, 
and of singular usefulness. He was a man of com- 
manding eloquence, of fervid piety, and of unblem- 
ished life. He made Haverhill the center of his 
work, but constantly preached over a wide extent of 
territory. 

During the Revolutionary War he was one of the 
most famous of the chaplains in Washington's army. 
He was often in Boston, and maintained a close 
friendship with Mr. Stillman until his death. At 



253 

the recognition of Mr. Smith as pastor, in November, 
1766, Mr. Stillman, Mr. John Gano, of New York, 
and Dr. Manning, president of Rhode Island College, 
were the officiating ministers. In 1772 the Haverhill 
Church had grown to have the largest membership of 
any Baptist church in Massachusetts. 

"Nov. 28. 1766 Voted that the Overplus of the 
Collection made after the Communion Service, after 
paying for the Bread & Wine, be deposited in the 
hands of the Church Treasurer for the Poor of the 
Church." This is the first record of a regular offer- 
ing for the poor, although there are constant men- 
tions of assistance rendered to them. Such aid must 
have been through private beneficence. It was found 
that there were sixty pounds which under the preced- 
ing vote could be divided among those in need. There 
had been also a few small bequests to the church for 
the same purpose. 

In November, 1766, the deacons reported that Mrs. 
Condy, wife of the late pastor, explained her absence 
from church " that she did not like ye Doctrines that 
were preached by our Minister & that she sho d choose 
her own Minister." * Mrs. Condy evidently had her 
own mind as to which of the two ministers she liked 
the better, and who shall blame her for loyalty to 
the former pastor and for her wifely devotion ? The 
church, however, " voted her answer not satisfactory," 
and evidently thought that admiration for her hus- 
band could not take the place of her covenant obliga- 
tions to the church. 

In February, 1764, the legislature of Rhode Island 

1 "Church Record." 



254 

granted a charter to the Rhode Island College, now 
known as Brown University. This was the culmina- 
tion of an effort made by various Baptists in Phila- 
delphia, New Jersey, New York, and New England. 
It was established in Rhode Island because of the 
larger freedom of its laws and because Baptists were 
somewhat numerous in that Colony. Mr. James Man- 
ning, a graduate of Princeton in 1762, was invited 
to become the head of the new institution, and in the 
summer of 1764 began his work. Funds were scarce, 
and it was deemed best to have the presidency com- 
bined with the pastorate of a church. The college 
was located in Warren, and the president became 
pasfor of the church in that town, but both offices 
scarcely sufficed to give him adequate support. Two 
pastors in Massachusetts were his most active coadju- 
tors in forwarding this first educational work among 
Baptists on this continent. Rev. Samuel Stillman 
and Rev. Hezekiah Smith were indefatigable in their 
efforts to sustain the nascent school. Mr. Stillman's 
name appears as the second among the trustees named 
in the Act of Incorporation, and the next year he was 
elected a Fellow, which office he held until his death. 
He was invariably present at the meetings of the 
corporation. He preached at every other com- 
mencement for many years, alternating in that serv- 
ice with Mr. Smith. In 1788 it conferred on him the 
degree of doctor of divinity. When the agitation 
for the removal of the college to Providence came to 
its climax, he was one of the most influential of the 
men who favored its relocation. He was on the com- 
mittee appointed to request the president to remove 



255 

with the college and to remain at its head. He was 
the close friend and adviser of the president. 

No words can adequately describe the value of the 
services of these three noble men in the interests of 
Christian education. They lifted the whole body of 
Baptists into a higher plane of influence and useful- 
ness. They gave the initial impetus which has re- 
sulted in the wonderful extension of the denomination 
into every part of the United States. They were a 
triumvirate singularly trained of the Lord for their 
great task, and they wrought together with unbroken 
harmony to the end. They were as fervidly evangel- 
istic as they were earnestly educational in their sympa- 
thies, and this union was strangely powerful. They 
taught, they preached, they prayed, they planned for 
the extension of Christ's kingdom. 

In 1767 President Manning conceived the idea of 
uniting the Baptist churches of New England in an 
Association. It was a task more difficult than would 
at first appear. Those who were classed as Bap- 
tists held somewhat diverse views. Some believed 
in the laying on of hands and some did not. Some 
were almost Arminian in doctrine, and others were 
strongly Calvinistic, while some were Six Principle 
Baptists. Moreover they all had a great dread of 
synods, councils, or associations of any sort which 
assumed a supervisory relation to the individual 
church. The varied persecutions which they had 
suffered had come through such organizations of their 
adversaries. They were exceedingly jealous of their 
liberties, and feared that an association of churches 
might in some unknown fashion pave the way to a 



256 

new tyranny. It had to them what Roger Williams 
called " a most sowre and uncomely deformed looke 
of a meare human invention," 1 and was therefore held 
in suspicion. But Manning, after consultation with 
many brethren, and with the fraternal encouragement 
of the Philadelphia Association, from which organiza- 
tion (made sixty years before) no harm had come to 
the churches, called a meeting of ministers and mes- 
sengers to assemble in Warren, R. I., on the eighth 
day of September, 1767. He had a three-fold pur- 
pose. He desired an organization through which a 
united effort might be made to mitigate the severities 
which the Standing Order still practised in the tax- 
ing of Baptists for its support. In many parts of New 
England and in almost every part of Massachusetts, 
except in Boston, the Puritans rigorously applied this 
ecclesiastical taxation to Baptists. He desired also 
through organization and fraternal co-operation to 
strengthen the churches themselves, and to bring 
them into a closer doctrinal unity. But he desired 
especially through this organization to gather about 
the infant college all the sympathies and resources of 
Baptists. It w T ould not be unnatural to suppose that 
the last was the chief reason in his mind. Yet it must 
not be forgotten that the pastoral instinct and habit 
were almost as strong as the educational throughout 
his whole life. 

In spite of the obvious advantages which would 
accrue to the churches from such an associational 
union, the whole enterprise was regarded with the 
gravest suspicion. Eleven churches sent represent- 

1 "Bloudy Tenent," p. 226. 



257 

atives, viz : Warren, Second Rehoboth, Haverhill, 
Norton, Bellingham, First and Second Middleboro, 
Cumberland, First and Second Boston, Attleborough. 
This church was represented only by Philip Freeman. 
There is no record of his having received an appoint- 
ment by the church. It is nearly certain that he went 
merely by private understanding among his brethren. 
After consideration of the union, four only of the 
eleven churches represented ventured to join in an 
Association, viz : Warren, Haverhill, Bellingham, 
Second Middleboro. 

Mr. Freeman evidently was not authorized to com- 
mit this church to any course of action, but he made 
a favorable report of what he heard at Warren, for 

Aug 14, 1768, the Church stopped & having considered the Plan 
on which an association was formed at Warren in the Colony of 
Rhode Island Sep 1 8 1767, approved it & voted to join it : and for 
this Purpose that the Minister prepare a Letter to be sent to S d 
association of Baptist Churches at their next meeting, signifying 
their approbation of it & Desire to become a member. Voted that 
the Minister & Deacon Nathan Hancock be Messengers from the 
Church on this Occasion, duly authorised to represent it. The 
Minister went according to the appointment of ye Chh and was 
received in Behalf of it. 1 

This was at the second meeting of the Association 
(Sept. 13, 1768), and three other churches were re- 
ceived at the same time, viz: Sutton, Leicester, and 
Ware. The Association was to meet annually on the 
Tuesday following the commencement of the college, 
so that the messengers could attend both these public 
gatherings. This was the first Baptist Association in 

1 " Church Record." 



2 5 8 

New England, and at its very inception was firmly 
wedded to the support of Christian education. It was 
the nursing mother of Brown University. The next 
meeting of the Association (1769), coming as it did 
after the first commencement of the college, was a 
notable occasion. Distinguished Baptists from Phil- 
adelphia were present. The reports from the churches 
" mentioned grievous oppressions and persecutions 
from the Standing Order, especially the one from 
Ashfield, where religious tyranny had been carried to 
great lengths." 1 A committee was appointed to seek 
redress from the General Court, viz : Rev. Samuel 
Stillman, Philip Freeman, Philip Freeman, Jr., John 
Proctor, Nathan Spear. The first three named were 
from this church. This was the beginning of that 
long service which Mr. Stillman rendered in behalf 
of oppressed churches. For many years he was chair- 
man of the committee on grievances, and presented 
petition after petition to the General Court for redress. 
His voice and pen were always active in this service. 
His brethren in the Association entrusted to him this 
difficult mission and always gave him their ardent 
support. He was unwearied in this service of pro- 
test and defense. He afterward had the Rev. Isaac 
Backus, the eminent Baptist historian, as his indefat- 
igable coadjutor in the work of obtaining liberty for 
Baptists in this commonwealth. 

1 Guild, "Brown University and Manning," p. 78. 



CHAPTER XII 

A New Meeting-House. Revolutionary War. 

Siege of Boston. Election Sermon. 

Gift of Mrs. Brown. Education 

Society. Prayer Meetings. 



XII 

In 1770 the old meeting-house, which had stood 
more than ninety years, was found to be inadequate 
to the needs of the church, and conferences began 
concerning a new and larger house. By gift and ex- 
change the size of the original lot of land was much 
increased, and preparations were made to remove the 
old house with which so many tender memories were 
associated. Every pastor of the church had preached 
in it, excepting Thomas Goold. Its doors had been 
nailed up by order of the General Court. It had 
witnessed the long struggle of the church and also 
its prosperous triumph. The proprietors appointed 
the following 

Committee on Subscriptions for building the new meeting- 
house. 

Joseph Callender Philip Freeman 

Samuel Setton Deac 11 Nathan Hancock 

Samuel Bangs Deac n John Bulfinch 

John Harriss of Charlestown. 1 

The Standing Committee at the same time was : 

Capt John Matchett M r Eliezer Callender 

M r Thomas Crafts M r John Ingersoll 

M r Thomas Drowne M r Joseph Callender 

M r Philip Freeman. 1 

The next step which the church took bears elo- 

1 "Pew Proprietors' Book." 
261 



262 

quent testimony to the new position which it had 
won in the town. It was 

Voted May 14, 1771, that a committee be appointed to wait upon 
our Brethren of the New Brick to ask y e Liberty of their Meeting- 
house after their Service is over, till such times as the new 
Meeting-house is fit to receive us. In case they should refuse, to 
apply to the old North Church & if they should deny, to go to y e 
Select Men & request y e use of Fanieul Hall. 1 

At one time any one of these requests would have 
been the height of temerity, but that time had 
passed. The committee reported, 

that our brethren of the New Brick thought it would introduce 
Confusion in the Town on the Lords Day, to meet after their 
service was over, therefore agreed that as they were a small As- 
sembly, we might meet at the same Time with them, D T Pember- 
ton to preach half y e Day & M 1 Stillman half y e Day : the one 
Congregation to Mark S 2 on their Money : & y e other P, & to 
make an equal Division of the loose Money. Voted to accept 
their kind Offer & meet with them upon the above Proposal. 3 

This was certainly a most hospitable and generous 
proposal. The Brick Church, which thus kindly 
housed us, was located on Hanover Street near North 
Square, and its pastor was Dr. Ebenezer Pemberton. 
In 1776 it united with the Second Church (now on 
Copley Square), whose house of worship had been 
torn down by order of General Howe to provide fire- 
wood for the British troops. Both societies had been 
greatly depleted by the exodus of families when the 
British were besieged in Boston. 

1 " Church Record." 2 S for Stillman, P for Pemberton. 

3 "Church Record." 



263 

Lord's Day 16 th June 1771. The Rev d Samuel Stillman our 
Pastor Preached his last Sermon in the Old Meeting House which 
had been Built upward of Ninety Years, his discourse was well 
adapted to the Occasion & he particularly recommended Brotherly 
Love & Unity being the Cement of all Christian Societys. 1 

The church 

voted June 12 to request of our Brethren of the other Baptist 
Church ye Use of their Cistern for Baptism during the time that 
our Meeting house is building. 3 

The other church had built a baptistery near the 
head of the broad aisle in their meeting-house about 
1770. It was in use more than forty years. It is 
thought to have been the first baptistery in a meeting- 
house in this country. 

It required no little courage for the church to pro- 
ceed with the building of a new meeting-house. The 
times were full of disquiet. Money was difficult to 
get. The country was restless with political agita- 
tion. The Stamp Act had been passed, rebelled 
against, and repealed. . Two regiments of British 
troops had been quartered in the town as a kind of 
military police to overawe the people. The so-called 
"Boston Massacre" had taken place in the year pre- 
ceding, and American blood had flowed almost on the 
very spot where Obadiah Holmes had been whipped 
more than a hundred years before. This first collision 
between the British troops and the citizens of Boston 
had left a spirit of bitterness and restlessness. The 
great Revolution was already foreshadowed, and its 
forerunners were already filling the land with a vague 

_ l "Pew Proprietors' Book." 



264 

uneasiness and a foreboding disquiet. The need of 
more room must have been urgent indeed to lead the 
church to build in the midst of such difficulties. 

The work was pursued with such dispatch that 
the house begun in May was ready for occupancy in 
December. It was fifty-seven feet long and fifty-three 
feet wide and very solidly built. It had against the 
wall a very high pulpit, the entrance to which was by 
a narrow winding stair. It stood back from Salem 
Street about one hundred and fourteen feet, so that 
there was a fine lawn in front. A wide plank walk 
led up to the front door from Salem Street. On one 
side of this walk was a fine well of water, to which 
there was much recourse by the whole neighborhood. 
The meeting-house pump was honored with constant 
use. The rear of the house was not far from the salt 
water. A small vestry was attached at the south- 
westerly side, and there w r as a small porch in front. 
Stillman Street ran along the side of the lot, which 
had a depth of two hundred and fifty feet. This 
house was twice enlarged during Dr. Stillman's 
ministry, in 1791 and in 1799. The first time 
twenty-four feet were added to the west end, making 
the dimensions fifty-seven by seventy-seven feet. 
The second time an additional vestry w T as added at 
the northwest corner, forty-six by nineteen feet. 
The house had a belfry or cupola in which hung a 
bell. It was a capacious and well-appointed meeting- 
house. It was lighted at night by means of candles. 
The following additional facts concerning the old 
meeting-house, which was removed to make way for 
the new house, are worthy of preservation. 









_^i !■ 




— y lh 


~ ' ^^EhhI 


,w 


1 ** ~ 




* 


y ; 1 



265 

In 1737 a committee was appointed " for Enlarging 
our Meeting house & Seting up a Number of Pews 
for the accommodation of Such Persons as desire 
them," l but what was the extent of this enlargement 
is unknown. 

Lord's Day Dec r 8 1771 M x Stillman took an affectionate Leave 
of the Rev D r Pembertort s Church & Congregation, from 2 Cor. 
13 : 11. Finally Brethren, Farewell : Be of good Comfort: be of 
one Mind, be perfect, live in Peace, &=> ye God of Love &* Peace 
shall be with you. He publickly thanked them in ye Name & 
Behalf of our Church & Congregation for their Kindness & 
Christian Conduct towards us for 6 Months : in all which Time 
the two Societies maintained a happy Union & Friendship : & 
parted with Affection. 1 

Lords Day Dec r 22 1771. This Day our new Meeting house 
was opened, When the Minister preached the first Sermon from 
Ezra. 5. 11 We are the Servants of the God of Heaven &* 
Earth, &* build the House which was builded there ??zany Years 
ago. In the Afternoon he preached from Hag. 2. 7. I will fill 
this House with Glory, saith the Lord of Hosts. The House was 
crowded & a Collection made to help defray the Expense of build- 
ing it, which amounted to ^130 old Tenor. 1 

The " Pew Proprietors' Book " has a more detailed 
account : 

The new Meeting House being Rebuilt & Compleated in about 
six months, The Society met in it for the first time, and it was 
now Consecrated, the Exercises of the day were introduced by 
singing an Anthem taken out of the 122 Psalm, a suitable dis- 
course was made by our Rev d Pastor, from these words in Ezra 
5. 1 1 We are the Servants of the God of Heaven & Earth & 
Build the House that was Builded there many Years ago, the 
Service of the Fore part of the Day was concluded with a Second 
Anthem taken out of 29 Psalm, in the afternoon was another Ser- 

1 "Church Record." 



266 

mon Preach' d by our Pastor from II Haggai & VIII verse, And I 
will fill this House with Glory saith the Lord of Hosts : They 
were well Improved to the occasion & the service of the Day 
Ended by an Anthem taken out of the 104 Psalm and the Singing 
was well Performed both parts of the day by a select number who 
favoured the Society with their performance which Gave great 
satisfaction to a Crowded Audience. 

The Proprietors evidently felt a sense of relief that 
the singing- was satisfactory and was not of the usual 
distressful kind. Previous to the opening of this 
house the church agreed to use Dr. Watts' Psalms 
and Hymns in place of the version of Tate and Brady. 
It is easy to believe that the smooth metres of Dr. 
Watts' Hymns made singing in public worship a more 
delightful exercise. The phrase, "The Proprietors of 
Pews of the First Baptist Meeting House in Boston," 
occurs for the first time in the records of Dec. 1, 1771, 
in connection with this house now rebuilt. 

The year following the opening brought many 
tokens of refreshing from the L,ord. Baptisms were 
numerous, congregations were large, and the church 
prospered. The following records throw light on the 
circumstances of the times : 

August 2. 1772. Patrick Connelly, who had been baptized 
some Months before, but was called away to Sea before Commun- 
ion Day, was received into ye Chh. 1 

Dr. Stillman was very popular among sailors, and 
whenever they were in port it was the particular 
pleasure of many of them to be among his listeners. 
It was no unusual thing for him to address them spe- 
cifically in the midst of his sermon, and appeal to 

1 "Church Record." 



267 

them in some homely illustration taken from their 
peculiar calling and which had in it the flavor of the 
sea. Many sailors referred their conversion to these 
impassioned appeals so specially directed to them. 

"Nov r 1. 1772. After divine Service Hannah Dun- 
more & Cloe, a Negro Woman belonging to M r George 
Green of Boston were rec d into the church." 1 Our 
records have many notices of baptisms and marriages 
among Negro people, and until early in the present 
century there was a large group of them in this 
church. In 1804 Dr. Stillman ordained the first 
Negro Baptist minister in Boston, the Rev. Thomas 
Paul, pastor of the First African Church, in Joy 
Street. 

a Sep r 4. 1774 Benf Foster of Dan vers & Student 
at Yale College rec d into the Church, having been 
baptized a Fortnight before." 1 He was the son of 
Congregational parents in Danvers, and at the age of 
twenty became a member of Yale College, where he 
took distinguished rank as a scholar. He obtained 
his degree in 1774, at about which time some discus- 
sion having arisen among the students upon the sub- 
ject of baptism, Mr. Foster was appointed to defend 
the practice of Pedobaptists. He was their brilliant 
scholar and champion. In careful preparation for 
this service, he made extended investigation and 
study, but to the disappointment of all his friends and 
to his own surprise, he became convinced of the error 
of his former views, and avowed himself a Baptist. 
He was baptized by Dr. Stillman, who also directed 
his theological studies during the next two years, 

1 "Church Record." 



268 

when he was ordained pastor of the Baptist church in 
Leicester. He was afterward pastor in Newport, R. L, 
and in New York City, where he died of yellow fever 
in 1798. He gained much distinction as a scholar and 
preacher, and his early death was deeply lamented. 

The last entry in the church records for March 22, 
1775, is followed by the next in June, 1776. Between 
these two dates very stirring scenes were witnessed in 
and around Boston. In March, Dr. Warren made his 
famous oration in the Old South Meeting-house, in 
the presence of threatening British officers. In April, 
the rights at Lexington and Concord took place. In 
May, the British were besieged in Boston by patriot 
troops gathered from every quarter. In June, the 
battle of Bunker Hill was fought. The siege was 
pressed with determination and almost all of the in- 
habitants fled. It is thought that not more than one- 
eighth of the population remained in the town. The 
British commander seized upon private residences 
and public buildings at his pleasure. The Old South 
was turned into a riding school for the cavalry. The 
Old North was used for firewood. The First Baptist 
Meeting-house was turned into a barrack for British 
troops and afterward used as a hospital. The members 
were scattered widely. Dr. Stillman, one of the fore- 
most of the patriot orators, left the town with his 
family and withdrew to Philadelphia. There his 
voice was heard at once in fervid advocacy of the pa- 
triot cause. He was called to preach before the Con- 
tinental Congress then in session in that town. He 
remained engaged i n useful service until the evacua- 
tion of Boston, when he returned to his church. 



269 

1776 Lord's Day June 2. This Day our Meeting house was 
again opened for divine Worship, by our Pastor, who together 
with the Church, had been in a depressed Condition, More than 
a year : which melancholy Situation of us as a Society, & of the 
Town of Boston in general, had been occasioned by the Com- 
mencement of Hostilities by the British Troops, on the ever mem- 
orable 19 of April. 1775. The Lord hath chastened us sore, yet 
hath he not given us over unto Death. Glory be to his holy 
Name, that he hath again admitted us to return to our own place 
& the Enjoyment of our religious Privileges. May his holy Hand 
in Correcting us be properly attended to : & may we have Reason 
in the end to say, It was good for us that we have been afflicted. l 

The members were impoverished as well as scat- 
tered. Business was stagnant. The war continued. 
The meeting-house was in need of renovation and re- 
pair. The smallpox had been prevalent, and the use 
of the house as a hospital did not make it more in- 
viting as a place of worship. The outlook was dis- 
couraging. Dr. Stillman's family remained in Phila- 
delphia, which then seemed farther removed from the 
center of military operations. But he began at once 
the work of rehabilitation and the gathering of the 
scattered flock. It was long before prosperity fully 
returned. 

Sept. 8, 1776, the church sent the pastor and mes- 
sengers to ordain Mr. Thomas Gair at Medfield. The 
church there, which had been constituted in the July 
preceding, was composed largely of members from 
this church. Mr. Gair, at the age of sixteen, had 
been baptized by Dr. Stillman in 1771, and was 
cherished by him as a son. He graduated from 
Rhode Island College in 1776, and remained the pas- 

1 "Church Record." 



270 

tor in Medfield until 1788, when he became the pastor 
of the Second Baptist Church in Boston. When he 
was installed in the latter place, Dr. Stillrnan, for the 
first time since the rupture between the two churches, 
officiated in their meeting-house, and the relations 
ever after were cordial. Mr. Gair was in the midst 
of a career of great usefulness when he died at the 
early age of thirty-six. 

The church records of this time bear sad testimony 
to the moral ravages made by the war. There was a 
general laxness of conduct, and the church was much 
engrossed by the necessities of constant discipline. 
Drunkenness is a sin often mentioned, and women as 
well as men were guilty of it. Neglect of public 
worship became widespread. Society became seri- 
ously disorganized. Many foreign vices had been 
imported and had become domiciled during the dis- 
tractions of the war. French infidelity became 
fashionable. French, Hessian, and English soldiers 
brought with them not only European vices, but also 
European ideas concerning religion. The soldiers 
were indeed conquered, but it was not so easy to 
extirpate the immoral influences which they left be- 
hind them. It was a time of transition from Puritan 
strictness to Revolutionary laxity. When the W T ar 
of Independence closed, the whole country was in a 
ferment of disorganization preceding the final forms 
of organized government. It was in the midst of 
such conditions that the pastor and the few members 
who had returned to their homes took up again the 
work of the church. It required no little heroism 
for Dr. Stillrnan to assume the pastorate in 1765 after 



271 

Mr. Condy had brought the church so low, but it re- 
quired still greater courage to begin over again in 
1776 in the midst of these moral desolations. But 
there was no hesitancy and no delay. 

In March, 1777, the church learned that one of its 
members, John Eassell, " had openly avowed the Doc- 
trine of universal Salvation in the full sense of that 
Expression, or as held by one John Murray," * and in 
September he was suspended from fellowship. John 
Murray, the founder of Universalism in this country, 
arrived from England in 1770, and soon after began 
preaching his doctrines, especially in New England. 
He gathered many followers at Gloucester and Boston, 
and finally became pastor of the first Universalist 
church organized here in 1786. He was a man of 
much eloquence and power, and drew after him some 
Baptists. The church 

voted to have a contribution on Wednesday next (Dec 30 1778) 
ye day appointed for a continental thanksgiving for the poor 
people of Rhode Island who are now in a distressed condition, 
being driven from their habitations by the British Troops. 1 

This collection, which amounted to four hundred 
and sixty dollars, was duly transmitted to the starving 
people of Rhode Island. 

In February, 1779, the church "voted that ye 
minister in ye name, of the Church be desired to 
propose to M r Skillman that some method sho d be 
fallen upon to unite ye two churches, now too shy 
of each other," l and in March it was reported to 
them : 

1 " Church Record." 



272 

That it was agreeable to the sister church under the care of the 
Rev d M r Skillman, that there should be a union between the two 
churches, & that in case either of the ministers should be sick the 
members of each church should be invited to the communion of 
the other : that ye ministers should exchange pulpits as often as 
they sho d think proper, & that the churches shall not interfere 
with ye discipline of each other. 1 

This was an official settlement of the difficulty be- 
tween the First and Second churches, but there does 
not seem to have been any real fellowship until after 
the settlement of Mr. Gair in 1788. 

In September, 1779, a radical departure from an un- 
varying custom was made. The brethren only were 
attendants at church meetings for the transaction of 
all business. All cases of discipline were managed 
by them. Women had no voice in any of the busi- 
ness of the church. But now in a delicate case of 
discipline of a certain Anne Plympton, a committee 
of three women was appointed to wait upon her and 
to report at the next church meeting. This was a 
marked innovation, but seems to have aroused no dis- 
sent, and the women performed their duty quite as 
faithfully and discreetly as the men might have done. 

In 1770 Dr. Stillman preached the annual sermon 
before the Ancient and Honourable Artillery Com- 
pany in Boston. In 1779 he- was appointed by the 
Legislature to preach the annual election sermon. 
There was some opposition to him on the ground 
that he was a Baptist, and one member was so in- 
tensely opposed that by means of restless agitation he 
obtained a reconsideration of the appointment. But 

1 "Church Record*" 



273 

Dr. Stillman's popularity was abundantly demon- 
strated, for the vote for his appointment was larger 
the second time than it had been at the first. It was 
the first time that a Baptist had been invited to preach 
an election sermon. His sermon set forth the radical 
difference between Church and State, and the necessity 
of keeping them distinct. It was an eloquent appeal 
for religious liberty and the freedom of conscience. 
There was need of such an appeal, for Baptists were 
still being distressed all through New England, out- 
side of Boston. Their goods were seized to pay the 
ecclesiastical tax to the Standing Order. Many were 
thrown into prison. It seemed impossible to obtain 
redress from the Courts, from the Legislature, or from 
the Continental Congress. Dr. Stillman's fame as a 
preacher and a patriot gave unusual weight to his 
protest and appeal. His sermon was afterward pub- 
lished. 

The times were now very hard. The currency was 
depreciated. Commerce was ruined. An extract 
from Dr. Stillman's wedding registry throws light on 
the financial difficulties. He received as the wedding 
fee, " Aug 4. 1780. 2 Hard dollars at 65 for one or 130 
Continental dollars," and in the same year again, " j4 
Guinea or 75 dollars " as a fee. One needed a basket 
to carry the depreciated Continental paper money of 
that time. 

July 5, 1 781, the church sent the minister, Deacon 
Gridley, John Bartlett, and Ebenezer Hills to assist in 
the recognizing of "a number of baptized persons at 
Cambridge, Second precinct," as a Baptist church, 
and " finding things agreeable, ye church was consti- 



274 

tuted." 1 This is now the church in Arlington. In 
September, 1783, Dr. Stillman preached the sermon 
at the reopening of Rhode Island College, which had 
been closed by the British occupancy of Providence. 
The college buildings had been used by the troops, 
and its work was temporarily suspended. The sermon 
was a thankful and animating discourse. 

Nov 1783 the melancholy case of our sister Sprague was laid 
before the Church, she having a cancer in her breast, which will 
cost 50 Dollars to take out & she has not one dollar in the world. 1 

The struggles of the poor were the same then as 
to-day. The church assisted her, and presumably the 
surgeon got his fifty dollars. 

In June, 1786, several persons were baptized, and 
among them "Margaret Swift, ye latter but 13 years 
of age." l It was not customary to receive very 
young persons into this church, and hence this record. 
Little Margaret was the forerunner of a host of the 
young, who have since that time been baptized upon 
a profession of their faith. She began a very happy 
innovation upon the custom of the fathers. 

June 18, 1788, the minister and Deacon Gridley 
went to Newton to attend the ordination of Mr. 
Joseph Grafton. He afterward fulfilled a notable 
ministry there of forty-seven years. He was a man 
of great and varied influence among Baptists. Every- 
body knew and honored " Father Grafton." In this 
year " Deacon Gridley requested permission of ye chh 
to sit in his own pew, instead of ye Deacons seat." 1 
He said that " ye seat under ye pulpit was inconveni- 

1 "Church Record." 



275 

ent for seeing ye minister." l The pulpit was high 
up on the wall, and underneath and in front was the 
pew for the deacons, who faced the congregation and 
were invested with much awe and officialism. Deacon 
Gridley evidently felt that it would be better to be 
one among his brethren, to sit with his own family, 
and to see the minister, than to enjoy all the pomp of 
a deaconship in the deacons' pew. The church never 
went back to the custom of having its deacons sit 
under the pulpit. 

At this period the standing committee of the Pew 
Proprietors relieved the deacons of the most of the 
financial burden which had rested on them in the 
older times. The deacons no longer provided for the 
salary of the minister and the support of public 
worship. They cared for the poor, attended to disci- 
pline, looked after arrangements for the Lord's Sup- 
per, and were the pastor's counselors in spiritual 
matters. 

In September, 1785, Hon. Nicholas Brown (father of 
Nicholas Brown from whom Brown University was 
named, and himself also one of its liberal benefactors) 
married Avis Binney, who had been a member of this 
church since 1765. Mr. Brown and Dr. Stillman 
were intimate friends, and when the former died (in 
1 791) the latter preached his funeral sermon in Provi- 
dence. The widow gave the church in 1792 the sum 
of fifty pounds, as the following correspondence will 
show : 

June 18. 1792. The following letter was communicated to the 
Church by the minister : To the First Baptist Church in Boston 
1 "Church Record." 



276 

under the pastoral care of the Rev d D r Sam 1 Stillman, Please to 
accept ye sum of fifty pounds which I now send you by ye hands 
of your Rev d pastor which it is my desire shall be appropriated as 
the beginning of a fund for the sole use of the widows of ye 
ministers of your church forever. My desire is that it be put out 
on interest in ye best manner & in ye safest hands : & ye interest 
constantly added to ye principal until such an object as mentioned 
above shall appear to need assistance : and then that ye interest 
only be made use of. By this beginning, tho small, I hope some 
of our friends will be excited to make such additions as may in 
time afford ample & permanent assistance to persons of ye above 
description. The importance & necessity of such a fund is obvi- 
ous, if we consider ye impossibility of our ministers laying up any 
part of their sallaries for ye support of their widows : which 
makes their condition peculiarly distressing. A recent instance 
of this nature must have come under your observation. I trust 
your own reflections will render it unnecessary for me to mention 
any motives for your immediate attention to this necessary & im- 
portant subject. I bless God that your present prosperous condi- 
tion as a church puts it in your power to do something in this 
way. Pardon my presumption if I suggest your opening a sub- 
scription for all who may be disposed to give to this use, or 
immediately attending to the matter in any way you think most 
prudent and effectual. The smallest additions to an accumulating 
fund wo d soon make it of consequence and ye income wo d proba- 
bly be considerable by ye time it sho d be wanted. Requesting an 
interest in your prayers, 

I subscribe with much affection 

Your Sister & Friend 
Avis Brown. 
P. S. It is my desire that you will permit D r Stillman to super- 
intend this matter & act for me, with such persons as ye church 
may join with him, as tho I were personally present with you. 

A. B. Providence June 8. 1792 1 

At the next meeting the church voted that, 

1 "Church Record." 



277 

whereas Mrs Avis Brown, widow of the late Nicholas Brown, 
Esquire, of Providence, State of Rhode Island, deceased, from ye 
benevolence of her disposition, has given to this church for ye 
benefit of the widows of ye present & of all future pastors thereof, 
the sum of fifty pounds lawful money as the beginning or founda- 
tion of a perpetual fund : the income whereof is to be paid to the 
said widows while they shall so continue. But the income of said 
fund, during those intervals of time, wherein shall exist no ob- 
jects of ye donation, shall be added to, & become a part of said 
fund, the income whereof shall be paid as above mentioned. 1 

The church voted to accept this gift and the con- 
ditions attached, and the pastor and the three deacons 
were made the trustees for the investment and care 
of this fund. It was given manifestly to provide for 
the widow of Dr. Stillman when he should pass away, 
and is another evidence of the abounding love which 
existed toward the pastor. Within the next twenty- 
eight years two pastors' widows were beneficiaries of 
this fund. It has accumulated until at the present 
time it amounts to about eight thousand five hundred 
dollars. 

In 1787 Dr. Stillman was elected a member from 
Boston to the Federal Convention of Massachusetts, 
which was called to consider the adoption of the 
new National Constitution. He was one of twelve 
representatives sent by Boston, and was the only min- 
ister in the delegation. The convention met January 
9, 1788, in the State House, but soon adjourned to 
Mr. Belknap's meeting-house in L,ong Lane, in order 
to have more room. The debates between Federalist 
and Anti-Federalist grew very hot and lasted almost 
a month. Massachusetts was considered the hinge 

1 "Church Record." 



278 

on which the fate of the National Constitution turned. 
There were twenty Baptist delegates out of the three 
hundred and fifty-five members of the convention. 
Dr. Stillman was among the foremost for the adoption 
and used all his influence to that end. He was one 
of the majority (one hundred and eighty-seven to one 
hundred and sixty-eight) in its favor. Some of the 
Baptist delegates voted against it, through fear that 
liberty of worship was not sufficiently guaranteed. 
It was no small distinction that Boston should have 
chosen Dr. Stillman as one of its twelve delegates. 
In 1789 he was chosen by the town of Boston to de- 
liver the annual oration on the Fourth of July. 

There were some ripples on the surface of his min- 
istry, prosperous and useful as it was. 

Josias Nuttage rose up in the public assembly and went out of 
the Meeting house in a passion, because he disliked something ye 
minister had said. l 

He was disciplined by the church and afterward 
confessed his fault in so- moving a manner that " his 
acknowledgement bro* tears in many eyes." 1 In the 
previous year, " sister Hannah Gray offended the 
minister & his family by tatling & lying," 1 and was 
brought before the church, where she made a most 
humble confession and promised solemnly for the 
future " to set a watch on my tongue & to be more 
careful of my conversation & behavior." 1 Disturb- 
ances such as these show that human nature does not 
vary from age to age. 

In the year 1791 the church received many addi- 

1 "Church Record." 



279 

tions by baptism, and there was an unnsual interest 
in spiritual things. Among those thus received was 
Oliver Holden, who afterward became famous as the 
composer of " Coronation," and many other tunes. 
He was the publisher of many collections of sacred 
hymns and tunes. 1 The meeting-house was enlarged 
to accommodate the increasing numbers who came to 
public worship. Twenty-four feet were added to the 
west or rear end, thus making a very large and com- 
modious assembly room. "A letter was received 
from ye society called Universalists, offering the use 
of their place of public worship while our own is en- 
larging." 2 This kind offer was declined with thanks, 
because " we expect to occupy ye house ye whole 
time that the workmen are enlarging it." 2 In this 
year Dr. Stillman preached in Providence at the ordi- 
nation of Jonathan Maxcy, who became pastor of the 
First Church and shortly afterward the distinguished 
second president of the college. Sept. 14, 1791, Dr. 
Stillman was present at the meeting of the Warren 
Association in New Rowley, now Georgetown, Mass., 
and presented a plan for the establishing of a fund "for 
the purpose of assisting such young men of the Baptist 
denomination as may appear to be suitably qualified 
for the ministry, with a collegiate education." After 
consideration it was unanimously adopted and a Board 
of twelve gentlemen, called "The Trustees of the Bap- 
tist Education Fund," was chosen. In this movement 
Dr. Stillman was the leader, and was the chairman of 
the society, whose charter required that all its meet- 
ings should be held in Boston or elsewhere in Massa- 

1 Burrage, "Baptist Hymn Writers," p. 236. 2 "Church Record." 

T 



28o 

chusetts. The fund accumulated slowly, but many 
young men were assisted. The first "approved ap- 
plicant " was a Boston young man, William Collier. 
This was the origin of the present Northern Baptist 
Education Society, whose happy office through more 
than a hundred years has been the aiding of students 
for the ministry to acquire a liberal education. 1 

In 1 791 the Warren Associational committee on 
grievances met in Boston and sent a letter to the First 
Parish in Barnstable, which had distressed the Baptist 
church there through the ecclesiastical tax : 

Having therefore received a well attested account from Barn- 
stable, that some of the members of our society have been repeat- 
edly taxed and their property taken from them to support the 
Congregational minister of that place, from whom they conscien- 
tiously dissent, and though they have a minister of their own to 
maintain, we, the committee of the Baptist churches, think it our 
duty to say, that in an age and country as much enlightened as 
this is, such acts of injustice were not to be expected ; and in all 
companies in which the affair has been mentioned, it has been a 
matter of astonishment. If the parish refuse to return the moneys 
taken from our society, and continue to tax them to the support of 
the Congregational minister of Barnstable, we shall be reduced to 
the disagreeable necessity of publishing the whole to the world, 
and of taking such other steps as shall appear to be necessary. 2 

A similar letter was sent to the parish in Yarmouth. 
These were signed by Samuel Stillman as chairman, 
and illustrate the vigorous manner in which he sought 
to defend his fellow-Baptists who were still persecuted 
in Massachusetts. In 1792 Rev. P. P. Roots, a graduate 

1 Vide "Mass. Baptist Anniversaries," pp. 132-166, 1893. 
2 Backus, Vol. II., p. 352. 



28l 

of Dartmouth College and a Congregationalist minis- 
ter, was baptized into the membership of this church. 

Having been perplexed about infant baptism, so called, he 
entered on a serious examination of ye subject & finally became 
fully convinced, that there was neither precept nor example in the 
Word of God for such a practice. 1 

Among his letters of recommendation was one from 
" Rev M r Judson of Taunton (who himself afterward 
became a Baptist), the father of Adoniram Judson." 
Mr. Roots became a very useful evangelist, both in 
the North and in the South, and was widely known 
as an instructive and fervid gospel preacher. He be- 
came one of the founders of Madison, now Colgate, 
University. 

In this same year, u The minister in ye name of M r 
Jonathan Harris Merch* presented an elegant pair of 
plated flagons to them, of which he requested their 
acceptance." 1 Mr. Harris was an eminent merchant 
of Boston and a pew proprietor. He lived in the ex- 
tensive mansion which stood in Pearl Street as late 
as 1852. These flagons have stood on the communion 
table and have been in continuous use until January, 
1898, when individual communion cups were adopted. 

There is no evidence that the church had ever held 
prayer meetings regularly on a stated evening of the 
week. There were times when special meetings for 
prayer were appointed, and there had been occasion- 
ally a weekly lecture. Monthly lectures preparatory 
to the celebration of the Lord's Supper were observed. 
It had not been the custom of New England churches 

1 "Church Record." 



282 

to hold weekly meetings for prayer and conference 
in which lay members might take part. This church 
followed the general custom, and the first record of 
innovation was on Oct. 28, 1793 : 

The Church concluded to observe every Monday evening in ye 
week as an evening of prayer, on account of ye general calami- 
ties of ye world, the pestilence at Philadelphia & the declension 
of religion among us. N. B. It was afterward altered to Wednes- 
day evening. 1 

The pestilence was the yellow fever, which ravaged 
Philadelphia and New York and caused the utmost 
alarm throughout the country. This meeting was the 
beginning of the custom, now observed among us for 
more than a century, of a midweek service for prayer 
and conference. The brethren only took part in it, 
and it was chiefly given up to prayer. Women were 
not allowed to take any part either in this or in the 
business meetings. 

The letter which the church sent to the Warren 
Association in 1794 contained this query: 

Whereas we are informed that several churches belonging to 
this association have applied to the civil power for an act of in- 
corporation, and have obtained it, whereby they have become 
corporate bodies, vested with civil powers, we ask, is not this 
conduct inconsistent with ye original principles of Baptist 
churches ? and ought not this association again most pointedly to 
express their disapprobation of it, especially as it appears to be a 
growing evil ? 

This was an extreme insistence upon an absolute 
separation of Church and State ; but when we con- 
sider how much our fathers suffered in New England 

1 "Church Record." 



28 3 

from their union, we cannot be surprised at their 
sensitiveness to any movement which should seem 
to countenance the ancient evil. When the delegates 
returned from the Association 

the Church approved of what the association had done relative to 
ye incorporation of Baptist churches : and hope ye body of 
churches at their next meeting will pointedly condemn the prac- 
tice of applying to ye civil power for incorporation. 1 

The property of this church had been held from 
the beginning in the names of individuals, and by 
them transmitted in the same manner as private 
property to some persons whom the church desig- 
nated. Hence they avoided incorporation under a 
civil statute. Some embarrassments had arisen under 
this method. Individuals would occasionally fail to 
make the proper transfers or testamentary arrange- 
ments. The church felt that the principle at stake 
was of greater consequence than any embarrassments 
which might arise through this method of private 
transfer. 

In April, 1795, it was voted to have the catechism 
reprinted and that there be three hundred copies. 
The children were taught this catechism, and it was 
the custom of Dr. Stillman, when he made his pastoral 
calls, to question the children upon it, and also to 
gather them at the meeting-house at stated times and 
examine them formally by question and answer. Sat- 
urday afternoon was the usual time for such a meet- 
ing. His catechising was a solemn and serious affair, 
and was regarded by the children with great awe. 

1 "Church Record." 



284 

The Warren Association was invited to meet with 
this church in September, 1797. It was the first time 
that it had met in Boston. Large committees were 
appointed " to take care of the horses of the messen- 
gers to ye association, and to conduct our friends to 
the places provided for them during their continuance 
in town." l The messengers would of necessity come 
on horseback or in carriages, and some of them would 
be two or three days on the journey. All the Baptist 
churches in New England, that were connected at all 
with an Association, were embraced in this body. 
Mr. Stephen S. Nelson, a member of Rev. Isaac 
Backus' church in Middleborough, came up to Boston 
to be ordained. This also was a common custom of 
the times, and served the convenience of the minis- 
ters, who were thus saved from long journeys to 
distant places. Sometimes several men would be 
ordained at the annual Associational gathering, and 
this added variety and interest to the meeting. It 
was found after the Association that a debt of " 48 
dollars had arisen from keeping of the horses of our 
brethren who attended the association." 1 This 
amount was apportioned between this church and the 
Second Church, according to the number of male 
members, when it was found " that we have 48 males 
& they 30." 1 The Second Church was under the 
pastoral care of Rev. Thomas Baldwin, who settled 
with them September, 1790, and at whose installation 
Dr. Stillman preached the sermon. They became 
very warm friends and hearty co-laborers. 

In 1799 the church built a vestry adjoining the 

1 "Church Record." 



28 5 

meeting-house at its southwest corner. Its dimen- 
sions were forty-six by nineteen feet. There was 
already a smaller vestry which had been outgrown by 
the increasing numbers who attended the mid-week 
meeting. In April, 1800, "the weekly service which 
has been attended in the vestry on Wednesday even- 
ings," was transferred to the meeting-house, " on 
account of the many persons who wish to hear ye 
word, but cannot find room in ye vestry, which public 
service will be once a fortnight in our Meeting House, 
and once a fortnight at M r Baldwin's." 1 This alter- 
nating service was maintained for some time with 
much usefulness, and greatly promoted harmony and 
unity among Baptists of Boston. 

Mr. Baldwin was a man of remarkable ability and 
energy, and was a worthy compeer of Dr. Stillman. 
He was pastor of the Second Church for thirty-six 
years, and a great denominational leader. These two 
men seemed especially raised up of God for that pecu- 
liarly critical time in the religious history of Boston. 
In May, 1800, the church took a collection for the 
Baptist Education Fund of one hundred and eighty-one 
dollars, and remained a steadfast friend of the new 
society. In the same month they agreed " to use 
spermaceti candles" instead of tallow, at the midweek 
service. There was ample reason for an afternoon in- 
stead of an evening service. The great barnlike 
meeting-houses had no other lighting at night than 
from tallow candles, and the dim light, together with 
the constant care required to keep them in order, were 
not conducive either to orderly or reverent worship. 

1 "Church Record." 



286 

In April, 1801, ten brethren and four sisters, all 
residing in Charlestown, asked letters from this 
church to form the First Baptist Church in that 
town. These were : 

John Carter, Silas Niles, David Goodwin, Victor Blair, Solomon 
Phipps, Richard Holden, Jacob Foster, Oliver Holden, William 
Arnold, Obadiah White, Abigail Blair, Hannah Kidder, Tabitha 
Kidder, and Nancy Shepherd. 1 

The church was constituted May 12, and many 
memories were stirred in the mother church by the 
happy event. 

The Church co d not but take notice of ye pleasing providence 
of God in bringing about this event, that after 136 years, that 
church which originated in Charlestown sho d send back such a 
large number of worthy members to form a new church in the 
place of their origin. l 

The friendliness of the different denominations in 
aiding the new church to build a meeting-house was 
especially noteworthy, and was a vivid reminder of 
the changed conditions since the early days of Bap- 
tists in that place. Dr. Stillman preached the sermon 
at the constitution of the church and at the dedication 
of their house of worship. 

1 "Church Record." 



CHAPTER XIII 

Missionary Organizations. The Great Re- 
vival. Death ok Dr. Stillman. Rev. 
Joseph Clay. Rev. James M. Win- 
chell. Rev. Francis Wayland, 
Jr. Massachusetts State 
Convention. Newton 
Theological Insti- 
tution. Rev. 
C. P. Gros- 

VENOR. 



XIII 

In the early part of the year 1802, reports concern- 
ing the need of missionaries in the newer sections of 
the country came to the church and greatly stirred it. 
Some ministers, who had made extensive evangelistic 
journeys, gave accounts of the destitution, and, in 
many parts, of the entire absence of gospel privileges, 
and their pleasing success in preaching in the new 
settlements. Dr. Stillman had a wide correspondence 
with these brethren, and naturally they made his house 
their home when they visited Boston. To a man of 
his quick sympathies and alert perceptions, to see a 
need was to plan for its immediate relief. Hence on 
March 29, 1802, 

The minister read to ye Church proposals for a Baptist Mis- 
sionary Society. Upon which they voted, that ye minister and 
deacons be a committee to confer with a committee to be chosen 
by M r Baldwin' s church, upon this business, and to report at the 
next church meeting. 1 

What consultations were held is now unknown, but 
the two churches were of one mind in proceeding at 
once to organize a society. At the next meeting of 
the church, April 26, 

The missionary business was taken up, and voted, that ye min- 
ister consult with M r Baldwin about a circular letter to ye Chhs, 
that sho d express ye design, and invite them to join in it, and to 
get subscriptions against the meeting of ye association, as ye most 

1 "Church Record." 
280 



290 

eligible plan : ye time being too short to organize a society in May 
as had been proposed. l 

The Association did not meet until September, and 
the delay seemed long. The two ministers, upon fur- 
ther consultation, decided to urge the matter to an 
immediate conclusion. Hence on 

Wednesday 28 the chh was stopped after lecture, and ye mis- 
sionary business reconsidered. The minister informed ye church 
that ye Second Baptist church were very anxious to engage in ye 
business as soon as possible : and as many ministers wo d be to- 
gether at ye Gen 1 election, it was agreed that we wo rt proceed to 
send out circular letters immediately. 1 

Accordingly, April 29, 1802, an address was sent out 
to all Baptist churches in Massachusetts, signed by a 
committee from the Baptist churches in Boston, viz : 

Samuel Stillman, 

Thomas Baldwin, 

Richard Smith, 

Daniel Wild, 

John Wait, 

Thomas Badger. 
Daniel Wild and John Wait were deacons of this 
church. It was proposed that a Massachusetts Bap- 
tist Missionary Society be organized, and that 

The object of this Society shall be, to furnish occasional preach- 
ing, and to promote the knowledge of evangelic truth in the new 
settlements within these United States : or farther, if circumstances 
should render it proper. 

A constitution was drawn up and sent out for ap- 
proval. It provided that 

1 "Church Record." 



291 

The Society shall hold their first meeting, for the choice of of- 
ficers, at the First Baptist Meeting House in Boston on the last 
Wednesday of May next at 9 o' clock A. M. and in every year 
thereafter, at the same time and place, unless otherwise ordered 
by the Society or Trustees. 

This circular address met with a cordial response, 
for on May 26, 1802, The Massachusetts Baptist 
Missionary Society held its first meeting in our 
meeting-house, adopted the proposed constitution, and 
elected twelve trustees to manage its affairs. They 
were : Rev. Samuel Stillman, Rev. Hezekiah Smith 
(Haverhill), Rev. Thomas Baldwin, Rev. Joseph 
Grafton (Newton), Rev. Stephen Gano (Providence), 
Joel Briggs, Valentine W. Rathbun, Rev. Thomas 
Waterman (Charlestown), Deacon John Wait, Richard 
Smith, Col. Stephen Dana, Mr. Oliver Holden (Bos- 
ton). Dr. Stillman was made chairman and Mr. 
Waterman secretary. Three missionary evangelists 
were appointed at the first meeting and sent out to 
their work immediately. This was the first mission- 
ary society among Baptists in the new world, and 
while its primary aim was to spread the gospel in our 
own country, and its first missionaries were sent into 
Maine, New Hampshire, New York, and Canada, yet 
it provided in its constitution for the wider work of 
evangelizing the whole world. It did little or no 
work in Massachusetts itself, and it went outside of 
the State for some of its trustees, so that at the very 
beginning its plan was broad and comprehensive. 
In 1800 fourteen Christian women, some Baptist and 
some Congregationalist, had formed " The Boston 
Female Society for Missionary Purposes," and raised 



292 

the first year, chiefly through systematic penny contri- 
butions, about one hundred and fifty dollars. This 
was the first missionary society known to have been 
formed in the United States, but it was simply a 
collecting agency and was undenominational. Let 
all honor be given to these Christian women of Bos- 
ton. 

The Baptist society soon found its work widening 
and the opportunities for work almost boundless. 
This church had a vigorous committee appointed 
whose business it was to obtain subscriptions and in 
every way to support the society. Dr. Stillman evi- 
dently brought all the details of this new missionary 
work before his own church, for at the June business 
meeting (1802) "the minister informed ye Church 
that M r Leland has declined serving as a missionary : 
and consequently that some other person must be 
chosen." 1 This was, I suppose, the celebrated Rev. 
John Iceland, whose wonderful evangelistic tours, 
both South and North, had been so wonderfully 
blessed, and the fact that he had already been invited 
to be a missionary shows the vigor with which the 
new society began its work. In September, 1803, it 
began the publishing of " The Missionary Magazine," 
whose contents consisted of the correspondence of 
various Baptists with Dr. Stillman, and the letters of 
the missionaries, giving detailed accounts of their 
journeys and work. It was published by Manning & 
Loring, No. 2 Cornhill. They were notable publish- 
ers and booksellers. James Loring was an active 
member of this church, of wdiich he was also a 

1 " Church Record." 






293 

deacon. He was a close friend and adviser of his 
pastor. Dr. Stillman's name does not appear, but the 
letters run "to his friend" or "his aged friend in 
Boston." 

Thus was launched the society out of which has 
grown our great home and foreign missionary work. 
The consuming zeal of Dr. Stillman in this work is 
very notable, and especially in view of his declining 
health and advancing years, for as early as 1801 the 
church voted " that the Church business be transacted 
on Tuesday evenings hereafter, because the minister 
is generally indisposed on Mondays, and frequently 
hindered from attending," x and in November, 1803, 
"the minister assured the Church that he was not 
able to go through all ye services incumbent on him 
by reason of his age, and these attacks on his lungs, 
especially in ye winter season, and requested that 
assistance might be granted him." l 

The meeting-houses were seldom warmed. The 
First Parish Church of Boston had a stove put into 
its house in 1773, but it was the first one put into a 
meeting-house of which anything is known in the 
commonwealth. It was considered a dangerous inno- 
vation, and was followed very slowly. The minister's 
lungs might well have attacks, " especially in ye 
winter season," when he preached twice on the Sab- 
bath in a great unwarmed meeting-house all through 
a New England winter. The church had already 
proffered assistance, but many of them could not 
endure to see another man in the beloved minister's 
place at either of the services on the Lord's Day, and 

1 " Church Record." 



294 

there had been delay in accepting the offer ; but now 
aid had become imperatively necessary, and Mr. 
Lucius Bolles was engaged for one year to assist the 
minister. He was a graduate of Rhode Island Col- 
lege in 1801, and not long after had placed himself 
under the theological instruction of Dr. Stillman, 
who always had one or more such students under his 
care. He remained about three years, in the intimacy 
of a son with a father, and was greatly beloved also 
by the church. He had a long and useful career as a 
Christian minister. He was twenty-two years pastor 
of the First Church in Salem, and eighteen years 
corresponding secretary of The Foreign Missionary 
Society. Doubtless he gained his first impulses 
toward the missionary work from his close association 
with the minister who cherished him so lovingly. 

In the fall of 1803 a remarkable work of grace 
began in the two Baptist churches of Boston. A 
weekly meeting had been held in the First Church 
vestry for some time, of which the ministers of the 
two societies took charge in turn. A great serious- 
ness became manifest, and, without apparent reason 
for it, the vestry became uncomfortably crowded with 
solemn people. So great was the throng that the 
people had to be requested not to remain in the aisles. 
Baptisms became frequent, and at length even the 
main audience room proved to be too small for the 
people. All through the winter the severest storms 
did not prevent the house from being crowded, even 
the aisles being filled as far as the pulpit stairs. 
During the two years that this work continued one 
hundred and thirty-five persons were baptized into 



295 

this church, and a still larger number into the Second 
Church. This remarkable revival occurred at a time 
when evangelical religion was at an exceedingly low 
ebb in Boston. The Unitarian movement was at its 
height. All the Congregational churches in the 
town had gone over to Unitarianism, with the excep- 
tion of the Old South, and its sympathies were so 
pronounced in the same direction that it appeared to 
be on the verge of going in company with the others. 
Its minister, Rev. Dr. Joseph Kckley, was supposed 
to be a semi-Arian. Its departure from the old faith 
would leave the orthodox church without an organiza- 
tion in Boston. It was a time of crisis. I quote 
from Rev. Dr. Wisner's " History of the Old South " : 

This congregation [the Old South] in the summer of 1803 was 
deserted by a considerable portion of the younger class of its 
members. The church was diminishing in numbers. All the 
religious interests of the society were visibly and rapidly declin- 
ing. Thus with more fearful emphasis than ever before, the 
enemy was coming in like a flood. And now again did the Spirit 
of the Lord lift up a standard against him. In the fall of 1803, 
God was pleased to pour out his Spirit on the Baptist churches 
then in this city, and grant them a precious revival of religion 
which continued with power above a year. Members of this and 
other Congregational churches frequented the meetings of the 
Baptists during this season of special religious attention. Dr. 
Joseph Eckley (the then pastor of the Old South) and Drs. Still- 
man and Baldwin had before been in the habit of attending each 
other's preparatory lectures. By this means Dr. Eckley was 
brought into the midst of the revival. The good man's heart 
became warmed. He attended other meetings of the Baptists 
besides their preparatory lectures, and took part in them in 
exhortation and prayer. Thus a reviving influence was brought 
into this congregation which had, for a time, to struggle for 
U 



296 

existence, but has, by the grace of God, continued even until 
now (1830), and rendered this again a flourishing vine. 

The Baptist preaching was spiritual, searching, and 
evangelical. It was in nowise affected by the sur- 
rounding defections from the faith. It may be said 
with truth that, under God, the Baptists were the 
means of preserving alive orthodox Congregational- 
ism in Boston, for the Old South having been thus 
spiritually quickened, through its minister, settled 
into the old faith, and became the mother of the new 
Congregational churches. Dr. Eckley endeavored at 
once to interest some of his own brethren, and pro- 
posed a public lecture in his church in the interests 
of a spiritual revival. This led to a serious opposi- 
tion from many members in the congregation, and the 
agitation lasted about four years. But finally, in 1808, 
"A Society for Religious Improvement" was formed 
by eight of his brethren, and this led to the "Tuesday 
Evening meeting in which for a time there was but 
one brother of the church who felt sufficient confi- 
dence to lead in prayer, and which for a time encoun- 
tered reproaches and oppositions which to us at the 
present day seem almost incredible." 1 During all the 
struggles of the evangelical faith with the new forms 
of religious teaching which had led all the Boston 
Puritan churches astray from the old paths, the two 
Baptist pastors stood uncompromisingly for the old 
faith. They encouraged Dr. Eckley to abide in the 
same way. It is not possible to overestimate the 
value of these two Baptist churches, and their noble 

1 Wisner, " History of Old South Church," pp. 46, 47. 



297 

leaders, to the cause of evangelical religion at that 
time of crisis in the spiritual history of Boston. 
Their work was manifestly of God. They were prov- 
identially raised up "to set up a standard " against 
the incoming errors. 

In August, 1805, "ye people of colour at West Bos- 
ton " desired to be set apart as a church, and this 
church sent its pastor and deacons "to attend on that 
occasion, and that the delegates plainly dissuade them 
from ye admission of white members among them : as 
they may ultimately become the majority & defeat ye 
intention of their being an African church." x During 
the recent revival many persons of color had been 
baptized by Dr. Stillman, and these were now dis- 
missed to become the First African Baptist Church of 
Boston. Dr. Stillman preached the ordination sermon 
of their pastor, Rev. Thomas Paul. This new church 
proceeded to erect a meeting-house in a court off from 
Belknap Street. Cato Gardiner, a native of Africa, 
who had been baptized by Dr. Stillman and had been 
a member of the First Church for many years, opened 
a subscription and raised more than fifteen hundred 
dollars toward the house. Some additional subscrip- 
tions enabled them to build the first meeting-house 
for Negroes in Boston. A marble tablet was put up 
in their meeting-house in honor of Cato. 

In the year 1806 the church made a large subscrip- 
tion toward a fund for translating the holy Scriptures 
into the Asiatic languages. They had become inter- 
ested in the work of Carey, Marsh man, and the Eng- 
lish brethren, and gave this practical expression of 

1 "Church Record." 



298 

their interest in foreign missions. It helped also to 
prepare the way for the organization, a little later, of 
a distinctively American Baptist foreign missionary 
work. In the latter part of 1806, Dr. Stillman be- 
came convinced that he had not long to live, and was 
exceedingly desirous that the church should settle a 
colleague, who should assume the full pastorate after 
his decease. In October the church gave a unani- 
mous call to Rev. Joseph Clay (commonly called Judge 
Clay), of Savannah, Georgia. He was a native of 
Georgia and a graduate of Princeton in 1784, where 
he took the highest honors of his class. He became 
a lawyer of distinction, and for some years was United 
States District Judge for Georgia. In 1803 he made 
a public profession of religion and shortly thereafter 
began to preach. He was ordained as an assistant 
pastor to the Rev. Dr. Holcombe in the First Baptist 
Church of Savannah. In 1806 he made a preaching 
tour of New England and was heard with special sat- 
isfaction by this church. Both Dr. Stillman and his 
people were delighted with him, so that all hearts 
turned toward him as a colleague for the aged min- 
ister. An invitation was extended and sent by Dr. 
Stillman's own hand to him. He had often said, 
"When you are provided for I can die in peace." His 
desire was gratified, for Mr. Clay accepted the call, 
but before he could reach Boston the beloved Still- 
man had passed away. The following detailed ac- 
count is from the Church Records : 

Dr. Stillman died March 12. 1807 at 40 minutes after 12 o'clock 
in the morning of that day : having been dangerously ill about 12 
or 13 hours before. He was seized with a stroke of the palsy at 



299 

about eleven o'clock in the forenoon. It was first discovered by 
a little alteration in his speech. He gradually became more in- 
disposed, but was able at two o'clock to write a billet to his 
physician, requesting his immediate attendance. His physician 
prescribed an emetic ; and after its operation he was so much ex- 
hausted as hardly to be able to speak. Dr Baldwin was immedi- 
ately called, who, on noticing his critical situation, observed to 
him that he hoped he would have comfort in the everlasting love 
of God. He replied, " I desire to have no will of my own : Gods 
government is infinitely perfect." He spoke not distinctly after 
this : but laid as in a slumber till 20 minutes before one o' clock 
the next morning, when his holy soul was dismissed from its frail 
tabernacle, and entered the house not made with hands, there to 
behold the face of that Divine Redeemer whose Gospel he de- 
lighted to preach. 

The customs of the time are set forth in the funeral 
service : 

In the public exercises on the Monday after the Thursday of 
Dr Stillmans death, the corpse was carried into the First Baptist 
Meeting house. — Rev M r Grafton made the first prayer : D r Bald- 
win preached the funeral sermon : and the Rev d Elisha Williams 
made the concluding prayer. Funeral music was performed on 
the occasion, and the meeting-house (viz. the pulpit and singers 
seat, and the minister's pew) dressed in mourning for seven weeks. 
The pall bearers at the funeral were Rev D 1 ' Lathrop, D r Eckley, 
D r Morse, Rev M r Grafton, Rev d Elisha Williams, and Rev M r 
Mervin methodist minister. Order of Funeral Procession 1. all 
the Males of the congregation, youngest first, three abreast. 2. all 
the females of do. do. 3. singing society, same order. 4. mem- 
bers of the church, females first. 5. Committee of arrangements. 
6. Corpse. 7. mourners. 8. Clergy. 9. Gentlemen of distinction. 
10. D r Baldwins Church and Congregation. 11. Rev M r Colliers, 
do. 12. Neighbors and citizens. The procession formed in the 
North Church and proceeded to the I st Baptist Meeting House. 
The lower wall and side-pews were for the society, the females on 
the right and the males on the left. The youngest took the first 



3°° 

pews and proceeded till all were filled. The broad aisle pews 
were for the mourners, ministers, strangers, & etc, after service 
the procession formed in the same order, and proceeded up Rich- 
mond street through Middle, Hanover, and Court Streets, through 
Cornhill, up School street, to the Granary burying ground, where 
the body was deposited in the deceased's tomb. Capt Daniel 
Badger, M r Aaron Richardson and Andrew Johannot were ap- 
pointed Marshalls. The Church and Congregation wore a black 
crape on the left arm below the elbows, (the males) — the females 
wore black bonnets — for six weeks on Lords Days. The shops 
and stores of many members of the Society were closed on the 
afternoon of the funeral. In fact, the town seemed in mourning. 

The pew proprietors "voted a special tax of $450. 
on the pews to defray the expense of the funeral." l 

All this is a graphic picture of the funeral honors 
paid to a good man almost a hundred years ago. He 
was a man of slight form, weighing less than a hun- 
dred pounds. " The glow of his affection, — the fervor 
of his devotion, — the power of his elocution, — the 
tenderness of his feelings, and the frankness of his 
disposition, combined with his affability and erudi- 
tion to render him one of the most agreeable and dis- 
tinguished men of his age." 2 He was alert and 
graceful in his movements. He was always the 
polite and attentive Christian gentleman. He was 
a diligent pastor and student. He was an ardent 
patriot. No pulpit orator was heard with greater 
delight in the stormy times preceding the Revolution. 
He deemed it his duty to preach upon the political 
questions which agitated the people, and spoke with 
no compromising voice. He was a born leader of 
men. He was greatly sought after by distinguished 

1 "Proprietors' Record." 2 Winchell, "Hist. Discourses," p. 30. 



301 

strangers who visited Boston. The elder President 
Adams, General Knox, and Governor John Hancock 
were admirers, and often listened to his sermons. 
Governor Hancock in his later years had a pew in his 
meeting-house. Dr. Stillman was deeply interested 
in philanthropies and was officially connected with 
the Massachusetts Humane Society, The Charitable 
Fire Society, Boston Dispensary, Boston Female Asy- 
lum, etc. 

The great work of his life, apart from his immedi- 
ate ministry in this church, was the decisive part 
which he took in the founding of Brown University, 
of the Warren Association, of the Baptist Ministerial 
Education Society, and of the Massachusetts Baptist 
Missionary Society, which finally grew into the Home 
and Foreign Missionary Societies. These were great 
and far-seeing endeavors, and mark Dr. Stillman as a 
man of large and noble mold. The range of his 
Christian sympathies w T as broad, his spirit was cath- 
olic, and his labors unceasing. He had a sensitive 
physical organism, and sometimes suffered from de- 
pression of spirit. The following instance is related 
by Dr. Neale : 

One Sunday morning he preached, as he thought, a poor ser- 
mon. It is very likely that it was so, for ministers sometimes do 
such things, but they have different ways of meeting the humilia- 
tion. Some put on a bold face, and pretend to care nothing 
about it ; some look dignified as if they had said something 
solemn and deep ; others comfort themselves with the thought 
that they will do better next time ; but Dr. Stillman was so morti- 
fied with his failure that he could not eat his dinner and was sick 
in bed. "Jephthah," : he faintly said, "I shall not be able to 
1 Dr. Stillman' s Negro body servant. 



3°2 

preach this afternoon. You must see the deacons and ask them 
to get some other minister to supply my pulpit, Mr. Chauncy, 
Mr. Kirkland, or Mr. Eckly." Jephthah, who understood the 
case perfectly, said, very respectfully, " He would go. Dr. Still- 
man ought to have rest, dear man ; but I feel bad for the people ; 
they will be disappointed, but folks is queer ; they doesn't want 
to hear anybody else. I hearn Mrs. Smith say this morning 
what a beautiful sermon the doctor preached. But T 11 tell the 
deacons Massa Stillman is wearin' hisself. out." "You needn't 
go," said the doctor, brightening up. "I feel better. Brush 
my boots, Jephthah, and I'll try to preach myself." He went 
into the pulpit, and never preached more powerfully or eloquently 
than he did that afternoon. 

He was a man of extremely delicate constitution, 
but outlived all his contemporaries in the ministry in 
Boston. Such a man was a gift of commanding 
power to Baptists, to evangelical religion, and to the 
Boston which he loved. A volume of his sermons 
was published after his death by the deacons. Many 
sermons on special occasions are also printed. 1 He 
received into the church five hundred and nineteen 
new members. 

In June, 1807, Rev. Joseph Clay began his ministry 
under the most favorable auspices. His salary " was 
fixed at $1800 per year, payable quarterly, including 
house rent and wood," 2 On his first Sunday " he 
preached three sermons from this text, for I deter- 
mined not to know anything among you save Jesus 
Christ and him crucified." 3 In August he was in- 
stalled by a council of Baptist churches, viz : Read- 
ing, Newton, Beverly, Danvers, Charlestown, Salem, 

1 See Boston Public Library. 2 "Proprietors' Record." 
3 "Church Record." 



3°3 

Second and Third Boston, First Providence. Mr. 
Clay preached the sermon and Dr. Baldwin gave the 
hand of fellowship. This was the first time in the 
history of this church that none but Baptist churches 
were invited to participate in installing its pastor. 
This may have been at the particular desire of Mr. 
Clay, who being a Southern Baptist might have held 
somewhat stricter views than his predecessors. He 
gave promise at once by his learning, his eloquence, 
and his devoutness, of great usefulness in the com- 
munity, and the church was very happy in the new 
relation. But unhappily dissensions arose over some 
cases of discipline, and especially did a certain Mr. 
B. L. Boyd become a center of disturbance and con- 
tention throughout the whole first year. Special 
meetings for prayer were held " for the Church in its 
present difficulties and distractions." 1 

Although Mr. Clay was a man of learning and of 
singular eloquence, graceful in manners, generous in 
deeds, and a most genial Christian gentleman, he was 
nevertheless soon met on all sides by eulogiums of 
Dr. Stillman, and these were turned into disparage- 
ments of the present minister. The marked person- 
ality of the old pastor and his boundless influence 
had cast a spell over the church which it was difficult 
to break. Under this strain the minister's health 
became poor. Cases of discipline multiplied, and 
especially from among the numerous additions during 
the great revival. The spirit of dissension and evil 
seemed to run riot in the church. Additions became 
few. Comparisons and criticisms were many. The 

1 "Church Record." 



304 

minister was finally compelled to go South for his 
health in November, 1808, and in the spring of 1809 
proposed that he be released from his office. His re- 
quest was not acted on immediately, but after con- 
clusive evidence that he would not be able to resume 
his ministry in Boston, and because of the distracted 
state of the church, in October they voted " that he 
be affectionately dismissed from the pastoral charge 
of this Church." x His ministry, which had lasted 
less than two years, left the church " in a low condi- 
tion." He had had to cope with very unusual diffi- 
culties, and it is not surprising that the nattering 
hopes of his beginnings were not realized. His 
health steadily declined, and he died in January, 
181 1, and was buried in Georgia. 

June 16, 1809, the church elected Deacon James 
Loring church clerk. It had been the custom for the 
minister to act as the clerk. All the records up to 
this time are in the handwriting of the successive 
pastors, but with one brief exception that custom has 
never been resumed. The church passed through 
much trial, cases of discipline multiplied, counsels 
were divided, and they remained pastorless about five 
years. Dr. Baldwin sought to aid them in securing a 
pastor, and proved a loyal friend in this trying time. 
The country was now passing through great distrac- 
tions. Political agitation was intense, the war with 
Great Britain kept the people in a state of tension, and 
religion seemed to decline. The number of members 
in August, 1 81 2, was two hundred and twenty-three. 

An effort was made to secure as their minister the 

*" Church Record." 



305 

distinguished Rev. Andrew Broaddus, of Virginia, but 
he declined the invitation. A similar effort with Rev. 
W. B. Johnson, of South Carolina, also failed. In Sep- 
tember, 1812, the church heard very favorable reports 
concerning Mr. James M. Winchell, who had just 
graduated from Brown University. He was invited to 
preach for them, but did not at once respond to their 
call. Meanwhile Mr. Elon Galusha was invited to 
preach for them and spent several Sundays with them. 
He was a son of the governor of Vermont, and after- 
ward became distinguished as a minister in New York 
State, but for some reason the church did not give him 
a call, although many desired him as pastor. Mem- 
bers began to withdraw to unite with other churches. 
Thirty-six left at one time to unite with the Third 
Church, under the pastoral care of Rev. Daniel Sharp. 
Meetings were appointed to pray for guidance in re- 
gard to a pastor, and hearts began to turn again to 
Mr. Winchell. In December, 181 3, he was invited to 
become the pastor. In January the proprietors of 
pews concurred by a vote of twenty-eight to fourteen, 
and fixed the salary at one thousand dollars. (In 1816 
it was raised to twelve hundred dollars.) This call was 
notable as being the first time that the sisters were 
allowed to express by vote their opinion. The breth- 
ren voted, and when an opportunity was given, "all the 
sisters rose in approbation of this vote." 1 In March, 
1 8 14, Mr. Winchell accepted the call, yet with much 
hesitation on account of "their long trials" and "their 
afflicted state." The situation was far from promis- 
ing or hopeful. He was installed March 30, by a 

1 " Church Record." 



3° 6 

large council. Rev. Dr. Baldwin preached the ser- 
mon. Rev. Stephen Gano, of Providence, gave the 
charge, and Rev. L,ucius Bolles, of Salem, gave the 
hand of fellowship. In June two persons came for- 
ward for baptism, being the first who had offered 
themselves in more than two years, and the church 
was greatly cheered by the auspicious token. His 
administration of the church affairs was wise and con- 
ciliatory. Peace and a quiet activity soon appeared. 
Prosperity followed harmony of counsel. Mr. Win- 
chell's amiable disposition, his cultivated mind, his 
agreeable manners, his fervent piety, and his singular 
discretion, united to make him an acceptable guest in 
every social circle. He was a man of scholarly tastes 
and habits, and was much sought after by persons of 
literary attainments. His gracious and winsome per- 
sonality, and the charm of his deeply spiritual life, 
made him singularly attractive to people of every 
class. His whole ministry was marked by unity and 
progress. 

Wednesday, Sept. 4, 181 6, a society was organized 
and called " The Sabbath School Society of the First 
Baptist Church and Congregation for the Instruction 
of Indigent Boys." They were to be instructed "in 
reading and spelling," and were to be "provided with 
books and Clothing." Within a year the range of in- 
struction was increased, and " the instructors are to 
teach the children, spelling, reading, the catechism & 
the doctrines & duties of the christian Religion." 1 
This school was not intended for boys from families 
of the church, but for neglected and indigent boys. 

1 "Sunday-school Record." 



3o7 

The officers and instructors were all men, and it was 
their duty to take these boys to the public worship 
on Lord's Days and sit with them (usually in the gal- 
lery) to preserve order. 1 This school became very 
popular and soon reported one hundred and twenty- 
five boys in attendance. 

In 1818 the bass viol was introduced into the choir 
for use in worship. A singing society had been or- 
ganized in 1 8 14, and the singers usually met one 
evening in the week, and also before the services, to 
practise the tunes. They carefully rehearsed Mear, 
China, Wyndham, Wantage, Jourdan, Silver Street, 
Oporto, Windsor, Plympton, St. Asaphs, etc., but sel- 
dom ventured upon an anthem, except on special oc- 
casions. The introduction of the bass viol was not 
without some opposition, but it soon became a regular 
accompaniment of the choir. Everywhere at the end 
of the last century and the beginning of this, there 
were commotions in churches over the introduction 
of the bass viol. "A venerable and hitherto decorous 
old deacon of Roxbury not only left the church when 
the hated bass viol began its accompanying notes, but 
he stood for a long time outside the church door 
stridently ' caterwauling ' at the top of his lungs. 
When expostulated with for this unseemly and un- 
christianlike annoyance he explained that he ' was only 
mocking the banjo.'" 2 One clergyman announced 
that "we will now sing and fiddle the forty-fifth 
Psalm," 2 and another deplored that "now we have 
only catgut and resin religion." 2 The singers in this 

1 For a full account of the Sunday-school see Chap. XV. 
2 Mrs. Earle, "Sabbath in Puritan New England," p. 226. 



3 o8 

church sat apart, first "in the singers seats," and after- 
ward in the gallery, and had not only the bass viol, 
but the " fiddle, the flute, and the clarionet " to assist 
them. "The singing Society" was a very vigorous 
organization, and was long presided over by Daniel 
Badger. 1 

In April, 1818, Mr. Winchell preached two histor- 
ical discourses, which were printed, giving the history 
of the church up to that time. It was the first and 
last attempt, until now, to give anything like an ac- 
curate statement of the course of historic events. 
They were necessarily brief, but are unusually reli- 
able. In 1819 "The penitent Female Refuge was 
commenced by the laudable exertions and self-denying 
labors of brother Edmund Parsons of this Church." 2 
He was baptized in 1816. The Refuge is still in active 
usefulness. In June, 181 9, the minister brought for- 
ward a plan to provide a permanent fund for the care 
of the poor of the church. The interest only of this 
fund was to be used. The plan was adopted, and 
moneys were raised by subscription. In November 
Mrs. Lydia Sparhawk died and left to the church, 

the sum of one thousand dollars, the interest of which is to be 
appropriated for the benefit of the poor of the Church, and five 
hundred dollars to the Sunday School of this Church, the interest 
of which is to be appropriated for the support of the said school, 
also fifteen hundred dollars to our pastor, Rev Mr Winchell. 2 

"The Sparhawk Fund "is still doing its beneficent 
work for the poor and for the Sunday-school, and 
perpetuates the memory of the donor as a generous 
member of this church. 

x Vide "Record of Singing Society." 2 "Church Record." 




Rev. James Manning Winchell, A. M. 

Minister, 1814-1820. 



3°9 

In this year Mr. Winchell issued the compilation 
of hymns and psalms known as " WinchelPs Watts." 
It came into immediate public favor. It contained 
the six hundred and eighty-seven hymns and psalms 
of "Dr. Watts' Collection," and a supplement of three 
hundred and twenty-seven others by various authors. 
It has also in addition " eighty hymns by Dr. Watts 
not before in use in this country." It quickly sup- 
planted " Rippon's Collection," which had been widely 
used. It contained no tunes. Its arrangement showed 
the literary taste and skill of the pastor, as well as his 
fervently devout mind. It was long and lovingly 
used by the Baptist churches in New England. 

In July, 1819, in the midst of the most pleasing 
prospects of a useful ministry of years, the pastor was 
stricken with consumption, and all efforts to arrest 
its progress were of no avail. He was preparing to 
journey to a milder climate when he died, Feb. 22, 
1820. He had been pastor six years. Rev. Dr. 
Baldwin preached the funeral service, and his body 
was laid away in the tomb of Deacon Prince Snow, 
Jr., in the North burying ground. 

He was born in Northeast, New York, in 1791, 
graduated from Brown University in 181 2, after which 
he preached more than a year at Bristol, R. I., when 
he became pastor of this church. He was, therefore, 
not twenty-nine years old when he ceased from his 
labors. One who knew him well says : " Young 
Winchell's manner in the pulpit approached more 
nearly to that of Summerfield — that youthful prodigy 
of loveliness — than any other that I have ever wit- 
nessed. There was the same winning simplicity arid 



310 

naturalness in the one as in the other." He was below 
the medium size, was vivacious and urbane. He was 
fond of music and sang with a sweet voice. He had 
been during nearly the whole of his pastorate here 
one of the editors of the Missionary Magazine. His 
early death was a great loss to the church, which 
within fourteen years had in this way lost three pas- 
tors. Eighty-four new members were received during 
this pastorate, and the pastor's death closed a life of 
varied promise and rare usefulness. 

Rev. Joseph Elliot, of Vermont, preached so ac- 
ceptably to the church that in July they gave him a 
call to become the pastor. He hesitated long, but 
finally declined. They then made overtures to Rev. 
Elon Galusha, of Whitesborough, N. Y. He preached 
for them several Sundays, and a call was given him 
at "a salary of 1200 dollars and 100 dollars for the 
removal of his family." 1 He had given them en- 
couragement that he would accept, but finally de- 
clined because " of the unwillingness of the brethren 
in his neighborhood for his removal." 2 Whites- 
borough was an insignificant village, but the ardent 
entreaties of his friends persuaded him to decline 
what seemed the great opportunity of his life. Bos- 
ton at that time was the foremost town in the United 
States, and offered rare opportunities for influence and 
usefulness. 

In January, 1821, "the clerk mentioned to the 
church the information he had received respecting a 
young preacher, brother Francis Wayland, Jun. now 
a tutor in Union College, Schenectady N. Y. and who 

1 "Proprietors' Record." 2 " Church Record." 




Francis Wayland, Jr., D. D. 
Minister, 1821-1826. 



3ii 

had studied at Andover one year under Professor 
Stuart." 1 President Nott and Professor Stuart "ex- 
pressed their favorable opinion of him." l Rev. B. B. 
Wisner, of the Old South Church, knew him well 
and spoke warmly of him to the officers of the church. 
They voted to ask him " to make us a friendly visit 
and preach for us eight or ten weeks." 1 He came 
and preached four Sabbaths in April, and won the 
hearts of many of the people. Francis Wayland, Jr., 
the son of a Baptist minister, was born in New York 
City, in 1796. He graduated from Union College at 
the age of seventeen, and began the study of medi- 
cine, which he pursued during the next three years. 
He was converted in the last year of his medical 
studies, and at once felt called to preach the gospel. 
He put himself under the instruction of the cele- 
brated Prof. Moses Stuart, of Andover, but at the end 
of a year became a tutor in Union College, where he 
remained four years. He was a man of extraordinary 
force of character, of great moral sagacity, of fine 
culture, and of a striking personality. He was a 
master of thought and rhetorical expression. He be- 
came one of the greatest and most usefully influential 
men whom this country has produced. He was now 
twenty-five years old, and was already impressing men 
with those commanding powers of mind and charac- 
ter which afterward made him so distinguished as the 
eminent president of Brown University. The call to 
him, which the church extended in May, 182 1, was 
by no means unanimous. The vote was fifteen for to 
ten against. The opposition desired a minister of 

1 "Church Record." 



312 

more popular pulpit gifts. The majority included 
the more substantial and influential members of the 
church. The concurrent vote of the Pew Proprietors 
was seventeen in the affirmative and fifteen in the 
negative, and was determined by the casting vote of 
the moderator, Deacon James Loring, always the de- 
voted friend of the young pastor. He was the famous 
publisher and bookseller, and was one of the founders 
of " The Watchman." In the call they say : 

We request you to consider that in the large and populous town 
of Boston, it is greatly important that there should be an acces- 
sion of those labourers in the gospel ministry whose weight of 
character, ability, and piety, may contribute to the respectability 
of evangelical doctrine : and this is rendered the more necessary 
because in this place corrupt theological opinions are defended by 
men of high standing in society, and of distinguished talents and 
science. 1 

In their letter to the Pew Proprietors they speak of 
him as one " whose eminent character for literature, 
talents, and piety is undoubted." 

President Nott and Professor Stuart urged him to 
accept on broader grounds than the necessities of a 
single church. The latter wrote : " The cause here 
absolutely and imperiously demands a man like you, 
who has depth of exegetical lore, who can meet the 
Unitarians on ground where he is unlikely to feel his 
inferiority, or to be put to the blush. Besides, Provi- 
dence College must have such trustees, or it is ruined 
forever. Radical changes must be made in order to 
save it. You want more weight, more literature here, 
to do this." 

1 "Church Record." 



3*3 

After much hesitancy, Mr. Wayland accepted the 
call in June in a letter which is wholly characteristic 
of the imperious sense of duty which always guided 
him. Great preparations were made for the ordaining 
council which was the largest and most notable ever 
convened in the church. It met August 21, 1821. 
Thirty-seven ministers, besides lay delegates, were 
invited; Among them were men so distinguished 
as President Nott, President Messer, Moses Stuart, 
Leonard Woods, John Codman, Benjamin B. Wisner, 
Thomas Baldwin, Stephen Gano, Daniel Sharp, Henry 
J. Ripley, David Benedict, etc. 

The council met early in the day at the house of 
Deacon Prince Snow, Jr., where the examination of 
the candidate took place. At eleven o'clock the 
committee of arrangements, heading the procession 
in which the council walked to the meeting-house, 
ushered them in with great state. Bight marshals 
and four constables had charge of the congregation. 
The pews were assigned carefully to the different 
classes of people. Eight hundred programmes were 
distributed. When the council walked down the 
main aisle, the whole audience arose and stood until 
the council was seated. An ordination was an event 
in the former days. Dr. Daniel Sharp preached the 
sermon, Rev. Francis Wayland, Sr., made the ordain- 
ing prayer, Dr. Baldwin gave the charge, Dr. Bolles 
extended the hand of fellowship, Revs. William Gam- 
mel and Joseph Grafton also took part. No churches 
except Baptist were invited to this council. Indi- 
viduals not Baptists did sit in the council, but Bap- 
tists only took part in the ordination. After the 



3H 

ordination the ministers who participated in the pub- 
lic service sat down together at dinner at a private 
house. For all the other invited guests, a public din- 
ner was provided at a tavern, where eighty guests sat 
down together. The marshals, constables, and sing- 
ers were also provided with a dinner. The caterer 
charged in his bill to the church " one dollar apiece 
for each guest for the lemonades, wines, and liquors 
furnished," l which sufficiently shows the customs of 
the time. Mr. Wayland's "salary was $1200 to be 
paid in monthly installments." 

The minority that had opposed his call soon showed 
a mean spirit. Some of them on Sundays, in a very 
ostentatious manner, hired a coach to take them to 
hear another minister preach. When their conduct 
was brought before the church and discipline was 
proposed, the pastor opposed it, and offered instead to 
pay part of the expense of the coach. When one of 
them came to the pastor's study to assure him that he 
was not edified under his preaching, Mr. Wayland 
gave him unexpected sympathy, and told him that he 
should feel the same under similar circumstances. 
The opposition soon ceased under this mollifying 
treatment on the pastor's part. He boarded for the 
first two years in the family of Dr. Baldwin, and 
found in him a kind and sagacious counselor. 

The evening of Sunday, Oct. 26, 1823, * s memo- 
rable in our history. It was stormy and cold. A 
northeast wind chilled all whose duty called them 
out of doors. It was singularly cheerless in the great 
meeting-house for the little group of people who 

1 Vide, Bill in Church Archives. 






3^5 

braved the storm to attend the annual meeting of the 
Baptist Foreign Missionary Society of Boston. It 
had been the custom for the three churches to unite 
in this service and to have a sermon preached. The 
preacher on this occasion was Mr. Wayland. He also 
was chilled by the cold of the unwarmed house, and 
wore his greatcoat buttoned up throughout the meet- 
ing. The whole atmosphere was depressing. But the 
preacher was singularly fitted for his task. His mission- 
ary editorship and his broad views of Christian duty 
gave him ample qualifications for uttering a mission- 
ary sermon. Foreign missions had been vehemently 
attacked, even by Christian ministers. The literary 
world sneered at them. East India merchants begged 
that missionaries might not be permitted to disturb 
the trade of the Orient. Statesmen opposed, lest the 
propagation of Christianity should make their control 
of heathen countries more difficult. Missions were 
regarded as simply a narrow and annoying propa- 
ganda. The sermon, " On the Moral Dignity of the 
Missionary Enterprise," lifted the whole missionary 
endeavor into a new plane of thought and brought it 
into the realm of Christian statesmanship. It was 
revolutionary. No one guessed that the sermon 
preached on that raw October night to a handful of 
people was to be heard around the world and give a 
new and powerful impeWs to foreign missions. 

The sermon seemed an entire failure. The preacher 
himself was greatly discouraged by the meeting and 
the ineffectiveness of the sermon. On Monday he 
flung himself on the sofa in the home of Rev. Dr. 
Wisner and said in disheartenment : "It was a com- 



3*6 

plete failure. It fell- perfectly dead." He was mis- 
taken. There were a few discerning hearers who 
understood what that sermon meant. Among them 
was Deacon James Loring, the publisher, who re- 
quested it for publication. The impression on the 
public both in America and in Europe was profound. 
It was translated into Continental languages, and 
cheered and stimulated the friends of missions every- 
where. It greatly revived missionary interest. It 
was recognized as the work of a master mind. 
Eighteen months later he preached two sermons on 
" The Duties of an American Citizen," which at- 
tracted wide attention. These sermons gave him a 
reputation as a man of no ordinary intellectual 
power and introduced him to a world-wide constitu- 
ency. The conversion to Baptist views and the 
missionary appeal of Rev. Adoniram Judson were 
the first great impulse to American Baptists to en- 
gage in foreign missions. The sermon of Mr. Way- 
land w T as the second, and came at a providential time. 
In July, 1824, the proposed constitution of the 
Massachusetts Baptist State Convention was read to 
the church and approved. Delegates were elected to 
act in its organization. In August they voted "that 
the brethren who may be chosen in different associa- 
tions to meet as a State Convention be invited to con- 
vene at the First Baptist !\Weting House in Boston 
oh the last Wednesday in October." 1 Mr. Wayland 
had been appointed associate editor of the " Mission- 
ary Magazine " in 1823, and soon after became the 
sole editor, in which capacity he wrote a series of 

1 " Church Record." 



3^7 

articles advocating the federation of the Associations 
in a State Convention. He urged that if it were 
possible for churches to unite in an Association, it 
was equally possible for Associations to unite in a 
State Convention. The old distrust of any organiza- 
tion which united churches, and which might seem 
in any way to delegate or to centralize authority in 
any body outside of the local congregation, still re- 
mained among Baptists. Hence, when the call was 
sent out for the organization of a Massachusetts Bap- 
tist State Convention, only six out of the nine Associa- 
tions invited responded and sent delegates. They 
met in the meeting-house of the First Baptist Church 
in Boston, Nov. 10, 1824, an d organized by adopting 
a constitution and electing Rev. Lucius Bolles presi- 
dent and Rev. Francis Way land, Jr., secretary. The 
vigorous articles of Mr. Wayland and his insistent 
advocacy of such a federation of Associations were 
among the prime causes which led to the organization 
of the Convention, and it was fitting that it should 
have its birth in our meeting-house. 

On May 25, 1825, an influential company of min- 
isters and laymen assembled in the vestry of our 
meeting-house to consider the establishment of a the- 
ological institution. 1 A Board of trustees was elected, 
of which Mr. Wayland was a corporate member and 
the first secretary. His experience as an educator, his 
natural fondness for that work, and his sense of its 
importance, led him to take an active part in the 
present undertaking. It was at first hoped that the 
recently founded schools at Hamilton, Waterville, and 

1 Vide, "Watchman," June 30, 1826. 



3*8 

Washington might be combined in one, at least for 
theological instruction. 1 This hope was not realized. 
The school opened Nov. 28, 1825, at Newton Center, 
with Rev. Irah Chase as its first instructor. Decem- 
ber 2, Mr. Way land was elected Professor of Pastoral 
Theology, but for some unknown reason did not ac- 
cept the position. It is easy to guess that it might 
have been the lack of funds for his support. The 
Newton Theological institution thus had its birth in 
our meeting-house. 

In 1825 the proprietors of pews and the church were 
stirred on the subject of a new house of worship in a 
new location. A subscription of more than fifteen thou- 
sand dollars was made. The church had worshiped 
on the same site for one hundred and forty-five years, 
but changes in the town had rendered it growingly 
undesirable to remain. Conservative people opposed 
any change, and this, together with the difficulty of 
agreeing upon a suitable location, finally caused a 
postponement of removal. This delay only added to 
the difficulties already weighing upon the pastor and 
imperiled the future of the church. 

In August, 1826, Mr. Wayland offered his resigna- 
tion as pastor, in a frank, manly, and tender letter, of 
which the following are extracts : 

It cannot, however, Brethren, have escaped your notice that my 
success has, for some time past, been much less than you had a 
right to expect. It has indeed been such as seemed to indicate 
that Providence designed me for some other field of labor, and 
after prayerfully reflecting upon the subject, such is the conclusion 
to which I have ultimately arrived. This conviction is further 

1 Vide, "Watchman," June 25, 1825. 



3*9 

strengthened by the fact that at this time another sphere of use- 
fulness has been presented before me, which in the present cir- 
cumstances of the case, I feel it my duty to occupy. 

He then speaks of his warm attachment to the 
church and their kindness to him and declares, 

that nothing less than what seemed to me an imperious call of 
duty, would lead me to retire from a situation combining in so 
high a degree everything which could render this life desirable. 

He had just received notification of his election to 
the " Professorship of Mathematics and Natural His- 
tory in Union College," and his heart turned toward 
that work. The church responded in a very tender 
and nattering letter, and tried to dissuade him. Their 
efforts were in vain. He closed his work in Septem- 
ber, but had scarcely begun his work at Schenectady, 
when he was chosen president of Brown University 
(December, 1826), in which office he served with great 
distinction until 1855, a period of twenty-eight years. 
He died in Providence, in 1865. Speaking long after- 
ward of his resignation, he said : 

When I resigned my place, it was a matter of great surprise, and, 
I believe, of sincere pain to my people. I found that they loved 
me much better than I had supposed : indeed, had I known, be- 
fore I was pledged, how sincerely they were attached to me, I 
think I should never have left them. 1 

His ministry of five years in this church was 
marked, after the first year, by harmony. The church 
did not grow in numbers, nor, especially, in efficiency. 
It was smaller at the end than at the beginning of his 

1 "Wayland's Memoirs," by his sons, Vol. I., p. 201 



320 

work. Doubtless one reason was that the beginning 
of the removal of families from the North End to 
newer sections of the town had commenced. He 
made an impression of " commanding intellect " and 
of methodical and assiduous devotion to his work, 
but did not seem able to command the full measure 
of pastoral success. This was a source of constant 
distress of mind to him. He had arrested the atten- 
tion of thoughtful men on both sides of the Atlantic, 
and there were many discerning minds in Boston that 
recognized his superlative ability. But a wise Provi- 
dence was assuredly guiding him to his great life- 
work, where his peculiar ability would have freer 
play than in a pastorate. 

In 1826 the Pew Proprietors voted " that our be- 
loved pastor Rev Francis Wayland Jr. be requested to 
sit for his portrait." It was painted by Frothingham, 
in Boston. The Rev. Dr. Baron Stow says : "His pro- 
portions and attitudes as I first saw him are truly 
represented in the portrait possessed by the First 
Baptist Church in this city." He left the church 
with a membership of one hundred and ninety-nine. 
He had received into the church thirty-six new 
members. 

Mr. Wayland had three notable deacons who were 
his wise counselors : James Loring, the publisher and 
the founder of " The Watchman " ; Prince Snow, " tall, 
stately, and straight as an arrow as he walked " (he 
was the father of Dr. Snow, the author of the history 
of Boston) ; John Sullivan, a West Indian merchant, 
and a profoundly conscientious man. A sermon of 
his pastor so stirred Deacon Sullivan that he ordered 






321 

all the rum stored in his warehouses poured out into 
Commercial Street. He became a leader in temper- 
ance reform. It is related of him that on a day in 
June he hired the town crier to ring his bell before all 
the schoolhouses in Boston and to invite all the chil- 
dren to go to the Common and roll on the new-mown 
hay which was being made there. All the children of 
the city knew and loved him. 

In December, 1826, the church extended a call to 
the Rev. Cyrus Pitt Grosvenor, which he accepted. 
He was born in Grafton, Mass., in 1792, graduated 
from Dartmouth College, and was ordained as an 
evangelist in 1824, i* 1 Charleston, S. C. His salary 
was "fixed at twelve hundred dollars and seventy-five 
dollars for moving his family from Hartford," where 
he had been pastor for one year. He was installed 
Jan. 24, 1827. The sermon was by President Francis 
Way land, the charge by Rev. Joseph Grafton, of New- 
ton, and the hand of fellowship by Rev. James D. 
Knowles, of the Second Church, Boston. The church 
was soon afflicted with dissensions, and brethren were 
not able to agree upon the necessary measures to 
arrest its steadily declining life. Two deacons, who 
had served in that office for twenty years, James 
Loring and Prince Snow, resigned. The pastor did 
not command the respect and support of the church. 
He was a good man, but was better fitted for the work 
of an evangelist than for the work of a settled min- 
ister in such a place as Boston. He presented too 
sharp and notable a contrast with the intellectual 
breadth and power of the late pastor. 

The difficulties connected with the location of the 



322 

meeting-house in the changing population at the 
North End steadily increased. The prospect grew 
constantly darker. There were larger additions of 
new members than in the late pastorate, but they did 
not add to the strength of the church. In August, 
1827, the church withdrew from the Warren Associ- 
ation, with which it had been affiliated since 1765, and 
united with the Boston Association, which had been 
formed in 181 1. This church, through its long con- 
nection with the former Association, and the tender 
ties which had bound it to the Rhode Island churches, 
hesitated long before severing the old relations and 
uniting with the churches with which it had become 
locally closely associated. The wisdom of being asso- 
ciated with the sister churches of its own city was 
manifest. Nevertheless the church reluctantly de- 
cided to make the change. 



4 



CHAPTER XIV 

A New Meeting-House. Rev. William Hague. 

Rev. Rollin H. Neale. Great Revival of 

1842. Somerset Street Meeting-House. 

Union of First Church and Shaw- 

mut Avenue Church. Rev. C. B. 

Crane. The Commonwealth 

Avenue Meeting -House. 

Rev. P. S. Moxom. Rev. 

Nathan B. Wood. 




Fourth Meeting-house. 

1854-1877. 



XIV 

The old house in its day had been the most ample 
and the most costly house of worship, excepting the 
meeting-house in Providence, which Baptists in New 
England possessed. It was regarded as quite a won- 
der of elegance and roominess, and was justly the 
pride of the denomination. Long use had greatly 
impaired its desirableness, and the rapid removal of 
families to other localities no longer made it a favor- 
able center of worship. In the latter part of 1827 
the church began earnest consultation about removal 
to a new location and the building of a new meeting- 
house. They invited representatives from the other 
Baptist churches in Boston to meet and advise with 
them. Their invitation met with a cordial response, 
and the church voted to remove to the corner of Han- 
over Street and Green Dragon Lane (Union Street). 
A subscription was opened, and the other churches 
gave substantial evidence of their interest. This 
church subscribed for one hundred and eleven shares, 
the Second Church for thirteen shares, the Third 
(Charles Street) for eleven shares, and the Federal 
Street for ten shares. 

John K. Simpson, Isaac Davis, S. G. Shipley, 
Samuel Beal, Ichabod Macomber, Thomas Gould, 
were appointed a building committee, and on Oct. 21, 
1828, the corner-stone of the new house was laid. 
The exercises were participated in by the pastor, Dr. 

3 2 5 



326 

Daniel Sharp, and Rev. James D. Knowles. June 
14, 1829, tne church met for the last time in the old 
meeting-house. Former members came from far and 
near. It was a day of mingled joy and sadness. 
" The aged members of the Church, in particular, 
wept when they remembered Zion & thought of days 
& scenes gone by." l The church had worshiped on 
that spot for one hundred and fifty years, and it had 
become hallowed ground. The old building was sold 
for a small sum to the Baptist church in South Bos- 
ton. It was taken apart and was floated across the 
harbor on empty casks. It was located at the corner 
of Broadway and C Street, and was used as a house 
of worship until September, 1867. It is now used as 
a carpet and furniture store. Many hallowed memo- 
ries are connected with that building. In it Stillman 
and Wayland preached. In it was organized the first 
missionary society among Baptists in America. In 
it was organized the Massachusetts State Convention 
and the Newton Theological Institution. In it was 
preached the sermon on " The Moral Dignity of the 
Missionary Enterprise." It was occupied by British 
troops during the Revolution. It saw manifold 
activities for good. 

The new meeting-house was dedicated, Thursday, 
June 18, 1829, the pastor preaching the sermon. 
Rev. Dr. Sharp, Rev. J. D. Knowles, and Rev. How- 
ard Malcom assisted in the services. " The house 
was crowded with an attentive and solemn audience." l 
June 22, " one hundred and one pews in the meeting- 



Church Record." 2 "Proprietors' Record." 




Third Meeting-house. 
1829-1834. 



327 

whole cost of the ground and buildings had been 
about forty-five thousand dollars. The long-looked- 
for days of prosperity seemed to have come with this 
change of location. In September the Pew Proprie- 
tors reported that " no of the 138 pews in the house 
had been purchased." " This sale the committee be- 
lieve to be unexampled in this city : they not know- 
ing of any meeting house here, where so many pews 
have been sold, so soon after its dedication." They 
declare further : " It thus appears that every pew pro- 
prietor, who attended public worship in the old house 
attends in this, besides the accession of many new 
families." The new house was built of brick and 
elevated so as to admit of having four stores under- 
neath in addition to vestry rooms. It seated about 
eight hundred, and had galleries on three sides of the 
audience room. 

Dec. 20, 1829, the new baptistery was used for the 
first time. The church had never before had a 
baptistery in its meeting-house. The ordinance of 
baptism had been administered in the open air, for 
many years at the side of the wharf which extended 
from the rear of the meeting-house lot into the mill- 
pond, and latterly at the foot of Lynn Street. This 
innovation also was not without objectors, but soon 
commended itself to all. 

Jan. 31, 1830, the Hanover Street Congregational 
Meeting-house (Dr. Lyman Beecher, pastor) was 
burned, and our church at once offered the use of its 
meeting-house, which was accepted for Friday nights. 
Tradition says that the basement of the meeting- 
house which was burned was used for storing wines 
w 



328 

and liquors, and that the church received a regular 
rental for its use. This doggerel rhyme appeared in 
the newspapers : 

The spirits above are the spirits of love ; 
The spirits below are the spirits of woe. 
The spirits above are the spirits divine ; 
The spirits below are the spirits of wine. 

Whatever may have been in the basement, the pulpit 
of Dr. Beecher was one of power and gave out no 
uncertain sound. With frank recognition of the 
significant and steady place which the First Baptist 
Church had held in Boston in the disturbing times 
when the Puritan churches were ceasing to be ortho- 
dox, he had publicly said in 1829 ^ n our pulpit: 
" Your light was kept burning and shining when ours 
had gone out." He had come to Boston to reorganize 
the broken and scattered remnant of orthodox Con- 
gregationalism, and found a sympathetic coadjutor in 
this church. 

The dissatisfaction with Mr. Grosvenor culminated 
in July, 1830, and on the eleventh he offered his 
resignation, which was accepted, and his labors termi- 
nated at the end of September. He was dismissed to 
the Second Church, Salem, of which he became pas- 
tor. He had been pastor of this church three years 
and nine months, during which time he had received 
fifty-three new members. It was a time of peculiar 
care and labor, consequent upon the removal from the 
old to the new meeting-house. There were some evi- 
dences of prosperity and he was abundant in labors, 
but he does not seem to have had the hearty good 




William Hague, D. D. 
Minister, 1831-1837. 



329 

will of his people at any time in his ministry. He 
left the church with about two hundred and forty 
members. 

Almost immediately Rev. William Hague, of Utica, 
N. Y., was invited to preach for several Sundays, 
which he did, with so much acceptance that on De- 
cember 7 a unanimous call was extended to him. 
The salary was fixed at twelve hundred dollars per 
annum, but it was afterward raised to eighteen hun- 
dred dollars. On the fifteenth he accepted, and was 
installed Feb. 3, 1831. The sermon was by President 
Wayland, and other parts of the service were con- 
ducted by Lucius Bolles, Howard Malcom, James D. 
Knowles, William Collier. Mr. Hague was born in 
Pelham, N. Y., in 1808, was graduated at Hamilton 
College, Clinton, N. Y., in 1826, and at the Newton 
Theological Institution in 1829. ^ e na( ^ been pas- 
tor for a brief time at Utica before he came to Bos- 
ton. He was but twenty-three years old when he 
entered upon his work in this church. He was a 
man of exceptionally brilliant gifts, both of heart and 
intellect. He was an attractive public speaker, and 
was often eloquent. He w T as a scholarly, cultivated, 
genial Christian gentleman. He had a happy blend- 
ing of gifts and graces, which made him a welcome 
guest on every occasion. Whether in parlor or on 
platform, he quickly commanded a hearing in Boston, 
and especially among educated people. He had a 
fascinating attraction for young men, and this he re- 
tained even into old age. Few men have been more 
constantly and widely useful in an American pulpit. 

His opening ministry in this church was a prophecy 



33o 

of the career which followed. The church had sum- 
moned Francis Wayland, a young man of twenty-five, 
to a first pastorate, and had brought to light an intel- 
lectual and moral influence of the first magnitude. 
Again they summoned a young man, and were happy 
to discover that they had a pulpit orator of the first 
order. The meeting-house soon became thronged. 
Additions were numerous and prosperity ensued. In 
1833, when President Andrew Jackson and his cabi- 
net made the tour of New England, they attended 
the First Baptist Church on the Sabbath. The presi- 
dent was the guest of Hon. John K. Simpson, who 
was chairman of the Standing Committee of the Pew 
Proprietors. 

Although the pastor was not a radical yet he was 
progressive and had pronounced views on the great 
questions of philanthropy and reform. In 1833 the 
constitutional convention of Massachusetts adopted 
a Bill of Rights which provided absolutely for relig- 
ious liberty. It was the first time that Baptists had 
equal liberty under the constitution of the Common- 
wealth with Congregationalists. It marked the end of 
the struggle begun in 1665. In 1836 the young men 
of the church presented, as a token of esteem and 
affection, the portrait of Mr. Hague, which now hangs 
in our vestry. 

In June, 1837, the pastor presented his resignation 
to accept the call of the First Church in Providence. 
He had been called to that church before he came to 
Boston, and the renewed invitation came to him as 
the voice of duty. He had deliberately adopted the 
theory that short pastorates offered him the greatest 




ROLLIN HEBER XEALE, D. D. 

Minister, 1837-1877. 



33* 

usefulness, and he acted upon this theory during the 
remainder of his long life. (He died in Boston in 
1888.) The church reluctantly accepted his resigna- 
tion of the pastorate which had lasted six years and a 
half. No notable events occurred during his pastor- 
ate, but the church was greatly strengthened and en- 
larged after more than twenty years of disheartening 
decadence. He came at an opportune time to the 
church which had newly settled in a desirable locality. 
He received two hundred and fifty-four members and 
left the church with a membership of three hundred 
and fifty-seven. 

In 1837 the benevolent contributions of the church 
were, 'for the first time, systematically arranged. It 
was " voted that a quarterly collection be taken, an- 
nually, in aid of the following objects, viz ; Foreign 
and Domestic Missions, Education, Sabbath School & 
Bible and Tract Society." 1 These and other objects 
had been supported formerly by collections made by 
special vote of the church, and were somewhat irreg- 
ular. At this time it was voted also not to respond 
to appeals to aid in building meeting-houses in other 
sections of the country. The records show many 
such appeals from every part of the United States and 
Canada ; but it was decided to restrict contributions to 
the great missionary organizations, and in this they 
undoubtedly acted wisely. 

Rev. Rollin H. Neaie was invited to preach for a 
few Sabbaths, which he did. He was unanimously 
called to the pastorate, Aug. 29, 1837, at a salary of 
eighteen hundred dollars. He was born in Southing- 

1 "Church Record." 



33* 

ton, Conn., in 1808, was graduated from Columbian 
University, Washington, D. C, in 1830, and from 
Newton Theological Institution in 1833. While at 
the latter place he was also pastor of the South Boston 
Baptist Church. From 1834 to 1837 he was pastor of 
the First Baptist Church of New Haven, Conn. He 
accepted the call and began his work September 17, 
on which day he was publicly installed. 

He began at once a ministry of persuasiveness and 
usefulness. He had a genial and gracious personality, 
and was an earnest and often eloquent preacher. He 
had a genius for friendships. Many persons were 
drawn to him and additions to the church became 
numerous. In August, 1841, it was "voted to invite 
Rev. Jacob Knapp to begin a series of revival meet- 
ings with them." 1 He was one of the most notable 
evangelists whom this century has produced. He 
came early in 1842 and preached with wonderful 
power for several weeks. The whole city was greatly 
stirred. Religion became the absorbing topic of con- 
versation on every side. Within a few months about 
three hundred persons were baptized into this church. 
Large numbers were added to the other churches in 
the city. It was the greatest ingathering that the 
church had ever witnessed. But in October the pas- 
tor laments to the church that there is a marked de- 
clension of spiritual life and exhorts them to arouse 
themselves and seek to maintain the high spiritual 
level which they had reached in the great revival. 
But this was not to be, and the evidences of spiritual 
declension are manifest during the following ten 

1 "Church Record." 



333 

years. The additions by baptism did not average 
eight annually, and the work greatly slackened. 
Every enterprise suffered from the lethargic spirit in 
the church, which had reached its high-water mark 
of membership (seven hundred and fifty-five) in 1844, 
and no effort seemed to avail to arrest the decline in 
numbers and in zeal. 

In 1844 the Home Mission Society sent to the 
church the following query : " Do you approve the 
appointment of any man as a missionary of the Society 
who is a slave holder, i. e. who holds his fellowmen as 
property?" 1 The church voted to answer : "we give 
a negative answer, because we believe, that though 
good and pious men have held slaves, slavery is never- 
theless a great moral evil and we wish it entirely dis- 
connected from our missionary operations, and from 
the church of Christ." l It was the time of the violent 
agitation over the subject of African slavery, and 
North and South were coming to the parting of the 
ways. Discussion grew more and more fierce. Fugi- 
tive slaves were seized in free States and carried back 
into slavery. The great conflict was already fore- 
shadowed. There were many timid souls, but this 
church and its pastor were not among them. Their 
utterance is unmistakable without being intolerant. 

May 13, 1845, a t a business meeting of the church, 
when ballots were being prepared for the choice of a 
deacon, " it was voted that the sisters be requested to 
ballot with the brethren." 1 .This is the first record 
of the sisters voting formally and equally with the 
brethren. This church, which purported to be a true 

1 "Church Record." 



334 

democracy in church government, in company with 
churches of all other denominations, had steadily re- 
fused a vote to its Christian women. Now for the first 
time they are recognized as having a legitimate voice 
in the business of the church, and they have continued 
the exercise of that right until this day. 

In October, 1846, the prudential committee was 
abolished. It had held a precarious place ever since 
it was organized, some years before, and even after 
this time it was revived and dropped several times. 
It has had a fitful history. 

In 1 85 1 the question of removal to a new site be- 
gan to be agitated. Business had made extensive 
encroachment on the field which the church occupied. 
Ground was finally purchased from the Coring estate 
on Somerset Street, and on Sept. 12, 1853, tne corner- 
stone of a new house was laid. In April, 1854, the 
new vestry was occupied for the first time, and on 
Jan. 11, 1855, the whole house was dedicated with 
the following service : " Prayer by Prof. Barnas Sears ; 
Original Hymn by Rev S. F. Smith, DD. Scripture 
reading by Rev E. N. Kirk DD ; Sermon by Dr 
Neale ; Dedicatory prayer by President Francis Way- 
land ; Drs Cushman, Burlingham, and Caldicott as- 
sisted in the services which were witnessed by a 
large and interested audience." 1 The meeting-house 
was ninety-four feet long by seventy-six feet wide. It 
had one hundred and fifty-eight pews and seated about 
one thousand persons. Its interior was finished in 
Gothic style. Its vestries were under the main audi- 
ence room. It was lighted by gas. It had a tall 

1 "Church Record." 



335 

steeple, which, standing as it did on the summit of 
Beacon Hill, was one of the landmarks of the city. 
It was visible for many miles, and was especially well 
known by sailors, who by means of it guided their 
ships into the harbor. The old property was sold for 
eighty thousand dollars, and the site was utilized for 
commercial purposes. 

The last day in the old house was one of sadness 
and joy. Former members came in great numbers to 
the final services. Bight hundred and forty persons 
had been baptized during the twenty-five years in 
which it had been occupied, and there were many 
tender associations. Here the first infant, or primary, 
Sunday-school in the world (so far as is known) was 
organized. Here had been the great revival led by 
Rev. Jacob Knapp. 

The high hopes of the new location were not real- 
ized. The church did not grow as had been expected. 
Almost every year marked a decrease in members. 
They gave largely to missions, education, and philan- 
thropies. After the first year the additions were few. 
Some years there were no baptisms. Families were 
moving away, and new Baptist churches were spring- 
ing up in other sections of the city. For several 
years the agitations of the Civil War absorbed men's 
thoughts. The spirit of patriotism ran high in the 
church. Some of its most active and valued young 
men volunteered for service in the army of the Union. 
The work of the church was pursued amid many 
distractions and discouragements. The pastor, with 
commendable patience, stood in his place, and was 
upheld by the united support of a loving church. 



33& 

During his long pastorate of forty years the records 
reveal no dissensions and no divisions. It is a record 
of unbroken harmony, although not always of pros- 
perity. 

In 1 86 1 a committee of sisters, with Mrs. S. G. 
Shipley as chairwoman, was appointed "to make gar- 
ments for the volunteers now going forward for their 
countrys defence." x These patriotic services were 
long continued. In 1864 a great effort was made to 
free the meeting-house from debt, and twenty thou- 
sand dollars was subscribed toward its liquidation, but 
it was not until 1867 that the whole mortgage was 
canceled. 

In 1865 the two hundredth anniversary of the 
church was celebrated, and the pastor preached a 
historical discourse which was printed. In January, 
1868, Rev. A. B. Barle was invited to conduct revival 
services, which proved acceptable, and " did not real- 
ize the fears which past experience had engendered." * 
Thirty-four persons were baptized as a result of these 
meetings, but at the end of May the church begins to 
lament the decline in spiritual interest and to devise 
means by which the attendance upon the meetings 
may be improved. The prayer meetings languished 
and the state of religion was not what they had hoped 
it would be. 

In June, 1871, the church called Rev. John T. 
Beckley to be associate pastor with Dr. Neale, who 
now began to feel the infirmities of age. He accepted 
the call, and was ordained Oct. 10, 1871. In Febru- 
ary, 1873, it was voted to hold the preaching service 

1 "Church Record." 



337 

in the evening instead of the afternoon, thus changing 
the unbroken custom of the church and beginning 
the practice which still continues. The relation of 
pastor and associate seems to have been happy, but 
the church continued to decline and every year grew 
less able to bear its burdens and less hopeful for the 
future. 

In 1875 a committee appointed to consider the 
state of the church reported that " there were 344 
members — 98 males, and 246 females, but that only 
113 — 41 males and 72 females, could be relied on to 
attend the meetings." 1 The review of the situation 
was distinctly discouraging. They invited the de- 
clining Charles Street Church to unite with them, 
but these overtures were finally withdrawn. In 1876 
overtures were made to the Harvard Street Church 
for a union of the two interests and a removal to a 
new location. Negotiations were pending for more 
than a year, and efforts were made to obtain a new 
site at the corner of Pleasant Street and Columbus 
Avenue, but the Proprietors of Pews were doubtful 
about the desirability of the location. Finally the 
attempt at union was abandoned, because " this church 
did not see its way clear." 1 

June 1, 1876, Mr. Beckley terminated his relations 
by resignation, and on the same date Dr. Neale ten- 
dered his resignation, which, however, was not im- 
mediately accepted. The church seemed to be at the 
gravest crisis in its long history. Its location was 
not good. Many of its valuable members had re- 
moved to other parts of the city, and the outlook was 

1 "Church Record." 



33* 

disheartening. A strong committee was appointed to 
consider Dr. JNIeale's resignation and the whole situa- 
tion of the church, and report some plan of action. 
Late in 1876 and early in 1877 informal conferences 
were held with members of the Shawmut Avenue 
Church, located at the corner of Shawmut Avenue 
and Rutland Street. A plan of union was formulated 
and presented to the church. Both organizations 
heartily ratified this plan. The Shawmut Avenue 
Church surrendered its property, and its members 
were received in a body into the membership of the 
First Church. On Thursday, May 24, 1877, the First 
Church met for the first time in the vestry of the 
Shawmut Avenue meeting-house, and received the 
five hundred and ten members of that church into its 
membership. The union was now complete. Sun- 
day, May 27, the First Church occupied for the last 
time the meeting-house on Somerset Street, and there- 
after met for worship in that on Shawmut Avenue. 
The old meeting-house was afterward remodeled and 
used as the home of Boston University. The chapel 
of the University still retains the former ceiling, 
windows, pulpit, and pulpit furniture of the room in 
which Dr. Neale preached from 1855 to 1877. Sun- 
day, June 3, the united church met as the First Church 
to worship in the Shawmut Avenue Meeting-house, 
and Rev. William Hague, d. d., who had been pastor 
of each church, preached the sermon. 

The Shawmut Avenue Church was organized in 
March, 1856, under the name of the Thirteenth Bap- 
tist Church. Revs. R. W. Cushman and P. S. Evans 
labored with the church for the first year and a half. 




Fifth Meeting-house. 
Shawmut Avenue. 1877-1882. 



339 

In 1859 R ev - J- W. Parker became pastor and the name 
was changed to Shawmnt Avenue Baptist Church. 
The meeting-house was purchased, refitted, and dedi- 
cated. Mr. Parker resigned in December, 1864, and 
in April, 1865, Rev. Wm. Hague, d. d., became pastor. 
The meeting-house was enlarged and beautified, and 
the debt was paid. The mission school, which has 
since become the Ruggles Street Church, was estab- 
lished. Dr. Hague resigned in 1869. Rev. Geo. C. 
IvOrimer, d. d., was pastor from 1870 to 1873, and Rev. 
Wayland Hoyt, d. d., from 1874 to 1876. This church 
had had at times large accessions, but in 1876 was 
seriously considering a change of location, when 
providentially the two churches were led to a union. 
The expectation was to find a new site and build a 
suitable meeting-house. 

The resignation of Dr. Neale was accepted June 1, 
1877, and he was provided with an annuity of one 
thousand dollars, as long as he should live. He died 
in Boston, Sept. 18, 1879. He had been pastor almost 
forty years. His pastorate was the second longest in 
the history of the church. He was a man of com- 
manding figure, urbane, genial, quick of sympathy, 
and an interesting preacher. He especially excelled 
in short addresses, as at funerals, in times of sorrow, 
or on special occasions. He was very approachable, 
and was loved and loving. His kindly, catholic, 
Christian spirit made a large place for him in the 
affections of his congregation and of the community. 
He was one of the notable citizens of Boston. He 
received the degree of d. d. from Brown in 1850, and 
from Harvard in 1857. He was f° r many years a 



34o 

"visitor" and also an "overseer" of Harvard College. 
He was a frequent contributor to the religious press, 
and an active participant in civil and denominational 
affairs. His portrait, which the church possesses, was 
presented by Samuel Hill, and was painted soon after 
he assumed the pastorate in 1837. He received one 
thousand two hundred and forty-one members into 
the church. His bust and a marble memorial tablet 
have been placed on the west wall of the audience 
room of the church. 

In March, 1878, Rev. Cephas B. Crane, D. d., of 
Hartford, Conn., was called to the pastorate "at a 
salary of four thousand dollars, and five hundred 
dollars for moving expenses." He began his labors 
April 12, and was publicly installed April 21. The 
sermon was by Rev. G. C. Lorimer, d. d. The other 
participants in the service were Drs. J. N. Murdock, 
R. G. Seymour, Heman Lincoln, A. J. Gordon, H. M. 
King, R. H. Neale. Dr. Crane was born in Marion, 
N. Y., in 1833, graduated from the University of 
Rochester in 1858, and from the Rochester Theolog- 
ical Seminary in i860. He was pastor of the South 
Church, Hartford, Conn., from i860 to 1878. 

In March, 1880, the church publicly celebrated the 
two-hundredth anniversary " of the nailing up of the 
doors of our Meeting House " by the General Court. 
The pastor preached a suitable sermon in the morn- 
ing, and in the evening there were addresses by Gov- 
ernor John D. Long, representing the State ; Rev. 
J. T. Duryea, d. d., representing the Puritans; and 
Prof. B. B. Andrews. The exercises awakened great 
interest. 




Cephas B. Crane, D. D. 
Minister, 1878-1884. 



34i 

Dec. 20, 1 88 1, a communication was received from 
a committee of four, of which Mr. Irving O. Whiting 
was chairman, and Mr. Samuel N. Brown was a 
member, proposing the establishment of a Baptist 
church in the Back Bay, and requesting a conference. 
Such a conference was held, and considered the present 
favorable opportunity for establishing a church, and 
especially the possibility of purchasing the beautiful 
meeting-house on the corner of Commonwealth Ave- 
nue and Clarendon Street, which the Brattle Square 
Unitarian Society had erected but had lost upon a 
foreclosure of mortgage. A public meeting had been 
held there on the twentieth of June preceding, the 
invitation to which said : " We think this may be of 
material value in determining the desirability and 
availability of that edifice for the purposes of a Bap- 
tist church." This house, which was built in 1872, 
had remained unoccupied for several years (1875 to 
1881) and was for sale. A special meeting of the 
church was called Dec. 28, 1881, to consider the mat- 
ter, when after much discussion it was voted " that a 
change of location of the First Baptist Church to the 
Back Bay is expedient." 1 The vote was forty-eight 
to twenty-eight. A committee consisting of Lansing 
Millis, E. B. Badger, J. D. K. Willis, G. E. Learnard, 
and D. C. Einscott was appointed and " authorized to 
purchase the property known as the Brattle Square 
Church." 1 Negotiations were begun and on March 
7, 1882, the church voted to purchase the property for 
one hundred thousand dollars. There was some op- 
position to this movement, but the majority in its 

1 "Church Record." 



342 

favor was large. Not long after, the Somerset Street 
meeting-house was sold to the Boston University for 
forty-five thousand dollars, and in June the Shawmut 
Avenue property was sold to the First Free Baptist 
Society for forty thousand dollars. It was voted to 
purchase the vacant lot of land west of the meeting- 
house on Commonwealth Avenue and erect a chapel. 
The corner-stone of this chapel was laid Sept. 12, 
1882, with appropriate services. On Friday evening, 
Oct. 27, a prayer meeting was held in the side vestry, 
and on Sunday, Oct. 29, 1882, the meeting-house was 
dedicated. The acoustics of the audience room had 
been bad and in order to remedy this serious defect 
galleries had been built in each of the transepts and 
over the main entrance at the east end. The interior 
had been put in order, and changes had been made in 
the pulpit and choir loft. The dedicatory sermon was 
by the pastor, and other parts in the services, both 
morning and evening, were taken by Drs. Alvah 
Hovey, A. J. Gordon, T. D. Anderson, D. H. Taylor, 
S. K. Lothrop, J. T. Duryea. These services were 
impressive and were largely attended. 

Feb. 7, 1883, the new chapel was opened for service 
with appropriate exercises. The whole cost to us of 
the meeting-house, chapel, and all belongings, had 
been one hundred and sixty-six thousand dollars. 
The original cost of the property as it now stands has 
been about four hundred and fifty thousand dollars. 
The meeting-house is in the form of a Greek cross, in 
the Southern Romanesque style, and is built of Rox- 
bury stone. It presents a massive and striking appear- 
ance. It has a square tower of remarkable beauty. 




Interior View of Present Meeting-house. 



343 

This tower is one hundred and seventy-six feet high, 
and its frieze consists of four groups of colossal sculp- 
tured figures, representing baptism, communion, mar- 
riage, and death. At the corners are four angels of 
judgment, each with a golden trumpet, summoning 
the world to the grand assize. The figures of the 
frieze are likenesses of famous men. In the baptismal 
scene is Charles Sumner. In the communion Long- 
fellow is the central figure, with Emerson and Haw- 
thorne. In the marriage are Lincoln and Garibaldi. 

The sculpture was from designs by Bartholdi, of 
Paris, and was carved by Italian artists after the 
stones were set in place. A singular error has been 
perpetuated through the misinformation of a writer 
of Boston history in regard to the ownership of our 
beautiful tower. It is currently supposed that the 
tower and ground on which it stands were reserved 
and belong to a company of gentlemen who are not 
Baptists. The fact is, that the church owns the 
tower, the ground on which it stands, and the whole 
property absolutely in fee shnple. The audience room 
seats about nine hundred, the smaller vestry about 
one hundred and fifty, and the chapel about three 
hundred and fifty. There is also a ladies' parlor and 
a pastor's study. It is one of the most costly and 
beautiful meeting-houses in New England. The 
architect was Mr. H. H. Richardson. In the belfry 
hangs the old bell which was hung originally in 1809 
in the old Brattle Square Meeting-house. It was cast 
in London, weighs three thousand four hundred and 
sixty-nine pounds, and cost two thousand dollars. It 
replaced one given by John Hancock in 1772. It has 



344 

been in constant use for almost ninety years. In the 
tower on the Clarendon Street front two oblong sand- 
stones are inlaid, one of which bears the inscription, 
"John Hancock Esq. July 27. 1772." and the other, 
ujno Q reen i ea f # 1 yy2.' >) These were taken from the 
corner-stone of the old Brattle Square Meeting-house 
and inserted here as memorials. It seems singularly 
appropriate that John Hancock, who was an officer 
and pillar in that church, should have his name on 
the wall of the First Baptist Meeting-house, for in the 
old house on Salem Street he was a constant attend- 
ant on the eloquent ministry of Dr. Stillman. 

Sunday, March 2, 1884, the pastor called to the 
pulpit Mr. Lansing Millis, who made a statement 
of the debt which remained on the meeting-house 
after the sale of all their other properties, the pay- 
ment of the mortgages on them, and the collection of 
all subscriptions hitherto made. This debt remaining 
was fifty-five thousand dollars. An hour was taken 
in considering the matter and in taking pledges, when 
it was found that the whole amount was subscribed. 
It was a time of great enthusiasm and gladness. 

Oct. 5, 1884, the pastor, Dr. Crane, resigned, on the 
ground of impaired health and consequent inability 
to do what work was requisite for his office. The 
church accepted his resignation, to take effect at once, 
and presented him with a purse of two thousand dol- 
lars in token of regard. In the following April he 
became pastor in Concord, N. H., where he remained 
twelve years. Dr. Crane's pastorate was a notable 
one. The process of the unification of the two 
churches went on through all his ministry here. His 




Philip S. Moxom, D. D. 
Minister, 1885-1893. 



345 

tact, his genial management, and his Christian bear- 
ing made it possible to hasten and consummate this 
unification. The purchase of the present beautiful 
meeting-house, and the removal of the church to the 
Back Bay, together with the adjustment of many 
difficult questions, occurred during his ministry. He 
had the assistance of many notable laymen, two of 
whom, Lansing Millis and Deacon J. W. Converse, 
both of blessed memory, were especially prominent 
in obtaining the new house. Tablets to their memory 
have been placed by the church on the interior wall 
of the audience room. Dr. Crane was pastor six and 
one-half years, and received one hundred and ninety- 
four new members. 

June 1 6, 1885, a call was extended to Rev. Philip 
S. Moxom, of Cleveland, Ohio, at a salary of five 
thousand dollars. His pastorate began August 3, but 
he did not actually begin his work until October 1. 
He was publicly installed October 7, with a sermon 
by Rev. Thomas Armitage, d. d., of New York City. 
Other participants were Drs. Alvah Hovey, Phillips 
Brooks, George A. Gordon, A. J. Gordon, C. B. Crane, 
H. K. Potter. Mr. Moxom was born in Canada in 
1848. He attended Kalamazoo and Shurtleff Col- 
leges and Rochester University, from which he grad- 
uated in 1879. He had also pursued theological 
studies at Rochester Seminary. He had been pastor 
in Bellevue and Albion, Mich., and Mount Morris, 
N. Y. In 1879 ne became pastor of the First Baptist 
Church in Cleveland, Ohio. A man of fine literary 
tastes, he was also deeply interested in all social and 
philanthropic movements. 



346 

In May, 1886, the young people of the church be- 
gan a mission at Grove Hall (Boston), which was so 
prospered that in February, 1887, it was organized as 
the Elm Hill Baptist Church. Considerable sums of 
money were contributed by this church toward the 
erection of their chapel. Jan. 10, 1892, the pastor 
gave three months' notice of his resignation. Febru- 
ary 8, the church declined to accept it by a vote of 
sixty-nine to twenty-five, and in March his resignation 
was withdrawn on certain conditions which he speci- 
fied and which the church accepted by the same vote 
as above. Differences of opinion which had been 
manifest for a considerable time remained and were 
intensified. Nov. 5, 1893, Dr. Moxom again resigned, 
closing his pastoral service Dec. 31, 1893. He had 
been pastor eight years and four months, and had re- 
ceived one hundred and ninety-one new members. 
He subsequently became pastor of a Congregational 
church in Springfield, Mass., where he now (1899) 
resides. This church was left in such condition as is 
usual where there have been so marked differences. 

Rev. Thomas Armitage, d. d., of New York City, 
became the permanent supply of the pulpit for some 
months, and his labors were highly appreciated at 
that critical time, but in April ill health compelled 
him to withdraw. June 25, 1894, a unanimous call 
was extended to Rev. Nathan E. Wood, d. d., of Brook- 
line, Mass., at a salary of six thousand dollars, and on 
July 27 it was accepted. His pastorate began Sep- 
tember 1, and still (1899) continues. He was born in 
Forestville, N. Y., June 6, 1849, graduated from the 
University of Chicago in 1872, and from the Baptist 




Nathan E. Wood, D. D. 
Minister, 1894. 



347 

Union Theological Seminary of Chicago in 1875. 
He was ordained in Chicago, Sept. 12, 1875. He or- 
ganized and became pastor of the Centennial Baptist 
Church of Chicago immediately upon his graduation. 
He was principal for several years of Wayland Acad- 
emy, in Wisconsin. He has been pastor of the Memor- 
ial Church, Chicago, the Strong Place Church, New 
York City (Brooklyn Borough), and the Brookline 
Church, Mass. A most delightful spirit of harmony 
and of earnest co-operation now possesses the church, 
and every department has been marked by a happy 
and vigorous growth. There has been a marked de- 
velopment of the spirit of hospitality to strangers at 
the services of the church, and the results are gratify- 
ing. The benevolent and missionary contributions of 
the church for 1897 were noteworthy. The total sum 
was above twenty-seven thousand dollars, of which 
fifteen thousand dollars was for missions. The great 
movement for the raising of the debt of four hundred 
and eighty-six thousand dollars which rested on the 
Missionary Union, was planned and inaugurated in 
this church. Our contribution was ten thousand dol- 
lars. This result was among the most noteworthy 
achievements in the whole history of American Bap- 
tists. In these later years a large spirit of wide and 
discriminating generosity is a marked characteristic 
of the church. The additions of new members in 
the present pastorate have been two hundred and 
fourteen. 

This church has exhibited a singular continuity 
and uniformity in its doctrinal history. It has been 
situated in a city which has been unusually subject to 



348 

theological change and upheaval. There have been 
many and startling departures from the orthodox 
faith, but this church has stood immovable in the 
midst of them all. In so far as our records and tra- 
ditions show, there has been no wavering and no 
wandering from the credal statement put forth in 
1665. It is held by this church with as much tenacity 
to-day as it was then. There have been individuals, 
from time to time, who have been tinctured with other 
doctrines, and have withdrawn from us. Some few 
at the close of the last century followed the preaching 
of John Murray, the apostle of Universalism. In the 
great schism of the Puritan churches, when Trin- 
itarian and Unitarian parted company, it does not 
appear that this church lost a single member, or was 
in any wise disturbed by that volcanic controversy. 
Indeed, it is the distinct testimony of competent 
observers that the Baptists were the recognized bul- 
wark of Christianity in Boston, and kept alive the 
ancient faith during that exciting time. The church 
has always held a moderately Calvinistic theology, 
which it believes to be found in the Holy Scriptures. 
Individual pastors have given personal emphasis in 
varying degree to these doctrines. Dr. Stillman was 
a somewhat severe Calvinist; Mr. Condy was not. 
The former believed in revivals, the latter did not. 
But the church itself has not varied in its belief in 
the infallibility of the Holy Scriptures as the inspired 
revelation of God and the all-sufficient authority for 
creed and government. It has always believed in the 
Deity of Jesus Christ, in the atonement through his 
death upon the cross, and in complete redemption for 



349 

men through faith in him. It has always believed in 
the Trinity. It has always believed in regeneration 
by the Holy Spirit through the word, and has always 
insisted upon a regenerate church-membership. It 
has always believed in the separation of Church and 
State. It has always practised the immersion of the 
believer in water, and restricted communion. It has 
always believed in the final separation of the right- 
eous and the wicked, and that heaven and hell were 
mighty realities of spiritual history. The author of 
this history has been able to trace practically no vari- 
ations in the belief of this church through its long 
career. It has held with utmost tenacity to the plain 
and clear teaching of the Holy Scriptures, This fact 
is the explanation of the continuity and uniformity of 
its beliefs. " Hitherto hath the L,ord led us." 



CHAPTER XV 
The Sunday-school. The Women's Societies. 



XV 

The first Sunday-school organized in the vicinity 
of Boston, for the religious instruction of the young, 
seems to have been the one in Beverly, in 1810, in 
the First Parish Church. The first one in Boston 
was begun in June, 1816, in the Third Baptist Church 
(afterward known as the Charles Street), and was in 
two divisions, a " Female Sabbath School " and a 
" Sabbath School for Indigent Boys." In the next 
month a " Female Sabbath School " was begun in 
the Second Baptist Church (Baldwin Place). It was 
soon after the settlement of Mr. Winchell that the 
question of organizing a Sunday-school in the First 
Church was agitated, but no decision was reached 
until August, 1816, when a " Female Sabbath School" 
was commenced in the vestry. It enrolled eighty- 
seven members, seventy-five of whom were in attend- 
ance in October, 18 18. The records of this school 
cannot be found, but it was conducted .by women ex- 
clusively. In the next month, September, 1816, "the 
Sabbath School for Indigent Boys " was begun, and 
more than one hundred boys were enrolled, seventy of 
whom remained in October, 1818. 1 In November, 
1816, the First African Baptist Church began a school 
with about fifty pupils. Thus from June to Novem- 
ber in 1816 all of the four Baptist churches in Boston 
equipped themselves with Sabbath-schools. It seems 

; l Vide "The Sunday-school Repository," Oct. 1818. 

353 



354 

like concerted action, and doubtless there was mutual 
consultation. The earliest record which we possess 
is as follows : 

Sept 4. 1 8 16, A number of persons desirous of forming a 
Society, for the support of a Sabbath School, assembled at the 
house of M r Charles H. Jones, the object of the meeting having 
been stated by the Rev d James M. Winchell, Dea c James Loring 
was chosen chairman, and John K. Simpson, Secretary. After an 
appropriate prayer by the Rev d James M. Winchell it was unan- 
imously, Voted that the persons present will make an effort to 
establish a Sabbath School for the instruction of Indigent Boys in 
reading & spelling in the First Baptist Society in Boston. 1 

A constitution was adopted and officers were chosen 
as follows : Horace Winchell, instructor ; Isaac Bemis, 
secretary ; Charles H. Jones, treasurer ; Rev. James M. 
Winchell, Deacon James Loring, Mr. Edmund Par- 
sons, Mr. John K. Simpson, managers. The object 
is thus stated : 

Having a very high opinion of the utility of Sunday Schools in 
affording the means of instruction to many who would otherwise 
remain destitute : in correcting their morals, in giving them an 
opportunity to attend publick worship : and in producing religious 
impressions on their minds, which may be blessed of God for 
their conversion. 1 

The first instructors were B. Parsons, J. Bemis, H. 
Fox, R. Smith, J. G. Loring, D. Badger, Jr., A. Win- 
chell, H. Winchell. The Sunday-school had no super- 
intendent for the first ten years. It was a group of 
independent classes which had no special connection 
with each other, other than that they all met at the 
same hour and place. At first the pupils were taught 

1 "Sunday-school Record." 



355 

the rudiments of an English education, such as read- 
ing, spelling, and arithmetic, intermixed with some re- 
ligious instruction. It was wholly a work of charity. 
They met at eight o'clock on Sunday morning and 
remained in session until time for the public worship, 
when the boys and girls were led in solemn procession 
to the galleries of the meeting-house, where they sat 
with their teachers. After service there was a short in- 
termission for dinner, and at one o'clock they gathered 
again and remained until the afternoon service of the 
church, to which they went in procession as in the 
morning, after which they were dismissed. Com- 
plaints were often made about the disturbances which 
the boys made in the galleries during church time. 
Young men only were employed as teachers, and they 
evidently had no easy task in keeping the restless 
boys in order. Sunday was a laborious day to these 
volunteer teachers, and it is not strange that they pro- 
posed to keep the school in session until noon, and so 
be absent from the morning worship. This had a 
double advantage. It saved them from the reproaches 
of the sober and orderly people in their pews because 
they did not keep their boys quiet, and it gave them 
a little leisure on Sunday afternoon for themselves. 
But this custom was soon frowned upon by the 
church, and all were compelled as before to attend 
the two services on the Lord's Day. 

The boys were given shoes, caps, mittens, and suits 
of clothes, once or twice a year, so that they might 
present a decent appearance in the school on Sunday. 
These were intended for Sunday clothes and for use 
on no other days, but the boys having an eye to good 



356 

clothes contrived to wear them on week days, and 
soon presented anything but a Sunday appearance in 
dress when they came to the school. This abuse soon 
grew so flagrant and open that the teachers exerted 
all their powers of persuasion and threatening for its 
removal. " The indigent boys," however, were un- 
conquerable until the instructors hit upon the device 
of keeping the clothes at the meeting-house, and loan- 
ing them out on Saturday afternoon to be promptly 
returned on Monday morning. Among our archives 
are many receipts for hats, caps, mittens, garments, 
cloth, etc., for Sunday-school uses. These seem very 
odd to us now, but possibly no more so than will the 
modern receipts for Christmas presents, candies, sup- 
pers, and picnics seem to those who shall come long 
after us. In the first annual report Mr. Winchell says : 

Nearly one half of the children are now able to read in the 
Bible, many scholars from six to fifteen years of age have been 
taught the letters of the alphabet Besides acquiring the rudi- 
ments of spelling and reading most of the children have been 
taught the catechism. The largest half of them have been in the 
habit of reciting portions of the Scriptures and nearly all can repeat 
the Lord's Prayer correctly. A large number of them secure but 
little or no instruction, except what is imparted in these schools, 
and not one half of them would regularly attend public worship 
were they not conducted to the house of God by their teachers. l 

The girls' school met in the vestry, and the boys 
met for a while in the North public schoolhouse. In 
1818 thirty-two dollars per year was paid for the rent 
of the school building, which stood on Back Street 
(now Salem). Various efforts were made to raise 

1 "Sunday-school Record." 



357 

money for the erection of a suitable building on the 
church lot, but the church did not see fit to allow 
such a building, until finally the two schools found 
an abiding-place in the two vestries of the meeting- 
house. The boys and girls were not allowed to meet 
in the same room, nor were women permitted to teach 
the boys. The sexes were carefully kept separated. 
Men taught the boys and women taught the girls. I 
find a receipt "for 200 Good Behavior Tickets, 200 
Punctual Tickets, and 200 Merit Tickets," for use in 
181 7, but the small quantity required shows that there 
was not an excessive demand for them through the 
good conduct of the boys. In October, 181 7, the 
schools reported seventy-five boys and seventy girls. 
In 1824 one hundred and twenty-five boys were re- 
ported as members of the school. Such a Sunday- 
school must have been a somewhat severe tax upon 
the patience of the boys and girls as well as upon the 
teachers, and one cannot judge them very harshly if 
they were not always found at the church service, or 
if being there, they were sometimes a little restless. 
The usual order of exercises in the school was the 
singing of a few verses of a hymn at the opening, and 
this was followed with a short prayer. Then lessons 
were learned and recited until ten minutes before the 
time for public worship, when a few verses of another 
hymn were sung, and the pupils were marshaled by 
the teachers and led into the gallery of the meeting- 
house. The afternoon was usually given to a more 
exclusive religious instruction. Hymns, psalms, and 
passages of Scripture, which had been committed to 
memory, were listened to by the teachers, and the 



358 

catechism was studied. The teachers were often not 
professors of religion, and one of the special advan- 
tages of the Sabbath-school was that many of these 
teachers became converted. The sense of responsi- 
bility and the effort to teach the children the truths 
of the Scriptures led the teachers to religious thought- 
fulness and to a Christian life. The teachers of the 
schools are among those reported year by year as 
being converted and uniting with the church. Indeed, 
so marked is this fact that it might almost seem as if 
the chief good of the Sabbath-school was not to the 
pupils but to the teachers. To teach in these schools 
seems to have been a special means of grace in lead- 
ing the instructors to Christ. The gains to the church 
were not in those early years so noticeable from among 
the pupils as from among the teachers. 

The Sunday-school became very popular, so that 
the families of the church began to send their own 
children to it, and gradually its character became 
changed. It was no longer for indigent boys and 
girls. These were after some years formed into mis- 
sion schools. The church had such a school, in 1827, 
in Prince Street, under the care of Mr. Moses Pond, 
and another, in 1829, ^ n Henchman's Lane. The 
character of the teaching also changed after the first 
year or two, so that distinctly religious teaching be- 
came more and more prominent. The catechism was 
taught, and portions of the Bible were committed to 
memory. Spelling and reading were however taught 
for many years to those who came into the school 
and were unable to read the Bible. The first infant 
Sunday-school, so far as known, in this or any other 



359 

country, was established in 1829 ^ n our meeting-house, 
then at the corner of Hanover and Union Streets. 
The following extracts from a letter written by Mr. 
Henry J. Howland, in 1896, give an account of it : 

My sister, who was a teacher in Brookfield, saw a notice of a 
meeting of an Infant School Society in Boston, which supported a 
school for the care of young children of parents who were obliged 




THE FIRST INFANT SUNDAY-SCHOOL— ESTABLISHED IN 1829. 

to be away from home at their work ; she was quite interested in the 
account and requested me to find out about it. I was an appren- 
tice, sixteen or seventeen years old. I obtained leave of absence for 
half a day and visited the school on Bedford Street, taught by a Miss 
Blood, and saw and heard enough to satisfy me that the religious 
part of the exercises there — Scripture and other lessons, illustrated 
by pictures, marching, singing hymns, etc. — could be usefully 
adapted for a number of small children who frequented the Sab- 
bath-school of the First Baptist Church, but who had no place in 
any of the classes. So I borrowed some of the pictures from Miss 
Y 



3 6 ° 

Blood and showed them, with an explanation of their use, at a 
meeting of our teachers, proposing that an infant class should be 
formed for the small children not otherwise provided for in our 
school, using such part of Miss Blood's exercises as might be 
adapted to our purposes. I also suggested that one of our lady 
teachers should take charge of the school. 

It was at once voted that such a class should be formed, and 
that I should be the teacher, with the addition — when I suggested 
that a lady would be better suited for the position — that I might 
select such an assistant as I thought best. 

So I bought a few of the pictures such as Miss Blood used, and 
wrote out the questions and answers for two or three of them, 
selected some hymns such as I thought would answer, and the 
next Sabbath noon I marched, with some six or eight small boys 
and girls, who had not been in any class, to the gallery over the 
choir gallery of the First Baptist Meeting-house (which then stood 
at the corner of Union and Hanover Streets), where we commenced 
the first infant Sabbath School in 1829. 

The instruction was wholly oral, the scholars repeating the an- 
swers and hymns after the teacher until they learned them, and 
they soon learned to sing the verses. After a short time the class 
was moved to a committee room on the lower floor, and before 
long I succeeded in securing the assistance of Miss Isabelle Ayres, 
who soon proved my statement at the commencement, that a lady, 
if competent, is much the best adapted to manage and instruct 
young children. 

Mr. Howland died in 1897, in Worcester, Mass., and 
during his long life had kept close connection with 
Sunday-schools, and especially with primary work. 
He did not suspect that he was doing a work which 
was to have so far-reaching consequences, and to be 
productive of so vast an amount of good. To this 
church belongs the honor of having the first primary 
Sunday-school, so far as is known, in the world. 

In 1836 Miss Sarah Mossman was in charge of it, 



361 

and the report says : " The infant school under the 
care of Miss Sarah Mossman is in a flourishing state : 
whole number sixty : average attendance thirty : it is 
very pleasing to hear infant lips, lisping prayer and 
praise to their king." 

I cannot learn when women were allowed to teach 




HENRY J. HOWLAND. 



boys. Miss Ayres, who took the infant class in place 
of Mr. Howland, about 1831, may have been the first. 
The two schools seem to have been merged into one 
early in the pastorate of Dr. Neale, but the date is 
unknown. The first list of male and female teachers 
recorded together as if they might have been in one 
school is in 1842. The total enrollment in 1834 was 
one hundred and thirty-three. In 1839 it was two 



362 

hundred and twenty. The Sunday-school of this 
church has never been large, but why this is so is not 
easy to discover. It has had a most faithful company 
of officers and teachers, and its work has been exceed- 
ingly useful. 

In 1876, Deacon Thomas P. Foster died. He had 
been connected with the Sunday-school about fifty 
years, thirteen of them as superintendent and the re- 
mainder as teacher. This is an unequaled record in 
our annals. In 1877 the school had grown very small 
and shared with the church its sad decline. It re- 
moved to Shawmut Avenue upon the union of the 
two churches, and reported that " fifteen teachers and 
seventy-one scholars " went with it to the new loca- 
tion. The union of the two schools made a large 
enrollment of teachers and scholars, but this was 
much reduced by the removal to the present meeting- 
house on Commonwealth Avenue. The school re- 
ported January 1, 1899, twenty-eight officers and 
teachers, and three hundred and four scholars. For 
many years all secular studies have been abolished 
from the Sunday-school and the Bible has been the 
only text-book studied. The session is an hour and 
a quarter in length and is held before the morning 
worship. The exercises consist of singing, prayer, the 
lesson, remarks by the pastor or superintendent, and 
reports, singing, and closing with the Lord's Prayer. 

There were no superintendents until 1826. 

LJST OF SUPERINTENDENTS. 

William Manning, Jr., 1826-1828. 
George S. Goddard, 1828-1831. 



3^3 

Deacon James L,oring, 1 831 -1833. 
John N. Barbour, 1833-1834. 
Thomas P. Foster, 1 834-1 845. 
Edward J. L,ong, 1 845-1 846. 
Thomas P. Foster, 1 846-1 848. 
Cyrus Carpenter, 1 848-1 856. 
Humphrey Jameson, 1 856-1 858. 
Cyrus Carpenter, 1 858-1 868. 
S. M. Tourtellot, 1868-1870. 
George B. Iyearnard, 1871-1877. 
Win. G. Harris, 187 7-1 879. 
E. M. White, 1879-1881. 
John K. Simpson, 1 881-1883. 
A. S. Woodworth, 1883-1884. 
Irving O. Whiting, 1 884-1 885. 
H. G. Woodworth, 1885-1887. 
Irving O. Whiting, 1887-1892. 
Frank D. Allen, 1 892-1 894. 
Arthur C. Badger, 1 894-1 < 
George F. D. Paine, il 



The first women's society of which I have found 
any record was organized March 12, 1841, with 
twenty-nine members. It was called the Ladies' Sew- 
ing Circle. Two years later its name was changed to 
the Ladies' Mission Circle. In 1857 it had grown to 
a membership of one hundred and fifty. Its object 
was to provide garments for the poor, to disburse 
money to various worthy enterprises at home and 
abroad, and to promote social acquaintance among 
the women of the church. They assisted students at 
Newton, gave aid to missionaries, both home and 



364 

foreign, contributed to the Bethel and to many char- 
ities of the city. During the Civil War they contrib- 
uted largely in aid of the sick and wounded soldiers, 
and were the steadfast helpers of the United States 
Sanitary Commission. In January, 1865, they report 
a most enthusiastic meeting, when Captain Edward 
J. Jones, an officer in the army of the Union and a 
member of the church, was welcomed home with 
every demonstration of affection and delight. They 
met in private houses until they outgrew such ac- 
commodations, when they met in the vestry of the 
meeting-house. Their gatherings were warmly so- 
cial, and filled the place of the present church so- 
cial. In May, 1877, upon the union of the Shawmut 
Avenue Church with this church, the society dis- 
banded, and the women of the united church organ- 
ized a Ladies' Benevolent Circle, but on Nov. 10, 
1877, the Woman's Foreign Mission Circle was or- 
ganized to do a distinct work. Separate societies 
were maintained until Nov. 10, 1887, when all the 
work was consolidated under one organization, the 
Woman's Benevolent and Missionary Society. This 
organization contributes for home and foreign mis- 
sions, provides garments for the poor, and takes 
charge of the social gatherings of the church. This 
church has been greatly blessed in the fine company 
of its intelligent, active, and noble Christian women. 



CHAPTER XVI 

Pastors. Deacons. Bequests. Records. 
Sextons. Music. Meetings. 



XVI 

PASTORS OF THE CHURCH 

Thomas Goold, June, 1665, died Oct., 1675. 
John Russell, July, 1679, died Dec., 1680. 
( Isaac Hull, 1681, died 1699. 
\ John Emblem, July, 1684, resigned 1699. 
( Ellis Callender, 1708, died 1726. 
\ Elisha Callender, May, 17 18, died Jan., 1738. 
Jeremiah Condy, Dec, 1738, resigned July, 1764. 
Samuel Stillman, d. d., Sept., 1764, died Mar., 1807. 
Joseph Clay, June, 1807, resigned Oct., 1809. 
James M. Winchell, March, 1814, died Feb., 1820. 
Francis Wayland, Jr., June, 1821, resigned Aug., 

1826. 
Cyrus P. Grosvenor, Jan., 1827, resigned Sept., 1830. 
William Hague, Feb., 1831, resigned June, 1837. 
Rollin H. Neale, d. d., Sept., 1837, resigned June, 

1877. 
Cephas B. Crane, d. d., April, 1878, resigned Oct., 

1884. 
Philip S. Moxom, d. d., Aug., 1885, resigned Dec, 

1893. 
Nathan E. Wood, d. d., Sept., 1894. 

There have been sixteen pastors of the church 
prior to the present pastor, and the average length of 
their pastorates has been about fifteen years. 

367 



3 68 

UST OF DEACONS. 

Thomas Skinner, 1 670-1 690. 
Edward Drinker, 1 670-1 685. 
Benjamin Sweetser, 1688-1691. 
Richard Proctor, 1 718-17 19. 
Benjamin Hiller, 1718-1728. 
Josiah Byles, 1 720-1 753. 
Shem Drowne, 1 721-1774. 
Skinner Russell, 1751-1753. 
Joseph Hiller, Jr., i753" I 758. 
John Bulfinch, 1759-1772. 
Nathan Hancock, 1 759-1 782. 
Philip Freeman, 1 779-1789. 
Richard Gridley, 1 779-1 798. 
Daniel Wild, 1 787-1805. 
William Capen, 1790-1818. 
John Waite, 1801-1811. 
Prince Snow, Jr., 1807-182 7. 
James Loring, 1807-18 2 7. 
John Sullivan, 182 5-1 846. 
Joseph Urann, 1 828-1 864. 
Moses Pond, 1 831-1840. 
John Spence, 183 5-1 840. 
Simon G. Shipley, 1838-1852. 
Thomas Richardson, 1 840-1 869. 
Thomas P. Foster, 1845-1876. 
Abijah Patch, 1852-1866. 
J. Q. A. Litchfield, 1861-1887. 
Charles A. Turner, 1 861-1875. 
Samuel Iy. Tourtellot, 1 867-1 878. 
Alfred Haskell, 1867-1878. 



369 

Cyrus Carpenter, 1872-1893. 
Addison Boyden, 1872-1874. 
Elisha James, 1877- 
Dwight Wheelock, 1877-1879. 
Samuel S. Cudworth, 1877-1882. 
James W. Converse, 1879-1894. 
Daniel C. I/Inscott, 1885- 
John A. Bowman, 1 886-1 892. 
Rest F. Curtis, 1889- 
George F. D. Paine, 1889- 
Edward M. Hoyt, 1892-1894. 
Henry L. Millis, 1 892-1 894. 
Frank H. Dean, 1893- 
Alfred D. Flinn, 1896- 
Henry S. Parsons, 1897- 

There have been forty-five deacons, of whom twelve 
are still living. Four deacons have served in this 
office more than thirty years each, viz, Shem Drowne, 
fifty-three years ; Josiah Byles, thirty-three years ; 
Joseph Urann, thirty-six years ; and Thomas P. Fos- 
ter, thirty-one years. The membership of the church 
in 1899 is about six hundred and thirty. 

OUR MEETING-HOUSES. 
First meeting-house (wood) 1679, Salem and Stillman 

Streets. 
Second meeting-house (wood) 1771, on the same site. 
Third meeting-house (brick) 1829, Hanover and 

Union Streets. 
Fourth meeting-house (brick) 1854, Somerset Street. 
Fifth meeting-house (stone) 1877, Shawmut Avenue 

and Rutland Street. 



37o 

Sixth meeting-house (stone) 1882, Commonwealth 
Avenue and Clarendon Street. 

BEQUESTS AND GIFTS TO THE CHURCH. 

1 72 1 Thomas and John Hollis, of London, 
for repairing the meeting-house 
and to make conveniences for 
baptizing /135 as. 

1714 One cup, marked "Ex dono J. & M. 
Russell, 1714." 

1714 One cup, marked "Ex dono Mary 
Russell to ye Church." 

1727 One cup, marked "The gift of W m 
Snell to ye Baptist Church in 
Boston. 1727." 
One spoon, marked " W m Snell. 
1727." 

1729 One cup, marked " F— I. F. " Sept. 

7, 1729, the gift of John Fore- 
land, in memory of his wife. 

1730 Mr. Fisk, of Wenham ^5 

1752 Josiah Byles, per annum 13s. 6d. 

1753 Edward Richardson £4. 

1764 Mrs. Jennings £1 18s. 

1765 Elizabeth Vose ^60 

1777 Shem Drowne £6 13s. 4d. 

1785 Mrs. Vose, half of annual income 

of estate in Gloucester. 
1787 Cup, marked "The gift of Mrs. 

Sarah Jeffers." 
1792 Jonathan Harris, two flagons for 

communion table. 



CD 

Q 

S i 



371 

1792 Mrs. Avis Brown, for Ministers- 

Widows' Fund ^50 

1793 William White and Jonas Welsh, 

two goblets and two dishes for 

communion table (not marked). 
Goblet, marked "Ex dono, R. K." 

(No record.) 
Goblet, marked "Ex dono, S. C. 

Tistm, A. D., per T. A." (No 

record.) 
1819 Mrs. Lydia Sparhawk Fund, interest only 

for poor of church $1,000 

Also fund for Sunday-school, interest 

only to be used 500 

Also to Rev. J. M. Winchell, the pastor 1,500 
1828 Mrs. Anna Conant, to be added to Spar- 
hawk Fund 25 

1841 Mrs. Nancy Adams Fund, interest only 

for poor 200 

1852 Deacon S. G. Shipley Fund, interest only 

for poor 1,000 

1854 Mrs. Prudence C. goring, widow of 

Deacon J. Coring, three goblets for 

communion table. 
1854 Mrs. L/Ucy Snow, widow of Deacon 

Prince Snow, Jr., three goblets for 

communion table. 
1869 Thomas Richardson Fund, to be invested 

for the benefit of the church .... 500 
1872 Rufus Mossman Fund, interest only for 

the poor of the church (" Betsy Moss- 
man Fund ") 500 



372 

1874 John Newhall, to the church (" Newhall 

Fund ») $2,581 

Also to the Sunday-school (" Newhall 

Fund ») \ . . 645 

1875 Isaac Butterfield Fund, interest only for 

the poor of the church 500 

1876 Thomas P. Foster Fund, interest only for 

the poor of the church 500 

1877 Mrs. Eliza Smith Fund, interest only for 

the poor of the church 500 

1880 Hannah F. Plummer Fund, interest only 

for the poor of the church 100 

1882 Salmon Whitney Fund, interest only for 

the poor of the church 200 

1895 William H. L,earnard Fund, interest only 

for the poor of the church 1,000 

Also fund for Sunday-school, interest only 

to be used 1,000 

Also fund for church music, interest only 

to be used 1,000 

These numerous gifts are still doing their benefi- 
cent service in the work of the church, and keep 
green the memory of men and women whose names 
otherwise might be almost forgotten. These bequests 
are evidence of the ardent love which these members 
have had toward this church, and happily bind our 
past and our present together in a unity of usefulness. 

The records of the church were always kept by the 
ministers until 1809, when Deacon James Coring be- 
came church clerk. In 1827 Mr. Grosvenor revived 
the old custom and acted as clerk throughout his 



373 

pastorate, but he was the last pastor to act in this 
office. Mr. William H. Brewer was clerk from 
1853 t° 1870, and Mr. George A. Bartlett from 1870 
to 1875. Mr. William H. Foster from November, 
1875, to the present time has served with great fidelity. 
It is difficult to learn much about the men who 
have served as sextons. Ichabod Williston was " the 
saxton " in 1772, and "his salary was two shillings 
per week lawful money." It is safe to conclude that 
he did some other work also for a living. The Bos- 
ton Town Records have this item, June 9, 1777: 
" That M r Newman, sexton of M r Stillmans meeting, 
be directed to ring the bell of Christ church at 1 
o'clock and at 9 at night." This is supposed to be 
Robert Newman who hung the lantern out of the 
steeple of Christ Church to give Paul Revere warning 
as to which way the British troops had gone on that 
memorable night in April, 1775. He seems to have 
been " sexton of our meeting house " for some time 
after the evacuation of Boston. Christ Church was 
closed for about three years, while our meeting-house, 
which was two blocks distant, was opened promptly 
after the British withdrawal. His length of service 
with us is unknown. Father Winslow, who resigned 
in 1834, was sexton for more than thirty years. He 
was very ceremonious and always preceded the min- 
ister up the aisle and held the pulpit door open for 
him to enter. He retained all the quaint dress of the 
colonial time, and was an odd character. He was the 
terror of the children, who had a notion that he 
haunted the meeting-house like a ghost at night, and 
who looked upon him in general as a man to be 



374 

shunned and feared. The sexton's salary in 1815 
was one hundred and twenty dollars per year. The 
present sexton, Benjamin R. Chase, began Oct. 1, 
1873, an d has been a model officer in his position. 
His salary is one thousand dollars. 

The music of the church in public worship has 
through the most of its history been conducted by 
volunteer singers and without compensation. In the 
second decade of this century a very small salary 
was paid to the leader of the choir, and the custom 
then inaugurated has been enlarged until the present 
time when all the members of the choir and the 
organist are paid suitable salaries. The music is now 
provided by an organist and a quartette of singers. 
The congregation joins in hymn singing. The church 
now maintains two weekly meetings for Christian 
conference and prayer, the young people's meeting 
and the general prayer and conference meeting. Men 
and women are equally at liberty to take part in these 
meetings. The exercises consist of an exposition of 
some passage of Scripture by the pastor or leader, and 
of voluntary prayer, exhortation, and singing by the 
members. There is also a monthly meeting devoted 
wholly to social purposes. There are two services 
for public worship and preaching on Sunday, at 11 
a. m. and 7.30 p. m. " Behold he that keepeth 
Israel shall neither slumber nor sleep." 



INDEX 



Allen, John, 77. 

Andros, Sir Edmund, 185, 224. 

Arlington, church formed, 273. 

Armitage, Thomas, 346. 

Association, Warren : organized, 255 ; 
meets in Boston, 284 ; church with- 
draws from, 322. 

Backes, Stiving, 90. 

Baker, Stephen, 70, 84, 100. 

Baldwin, Thomas, salary of, 245, 284. 

Baptism : referred to, 17 ; form of, 60, 
76 ; place of, 211 ; conveniences, 221. 

Baptists", statutes against, 10. 

Baptistery : first, 263 ; new, 327. 

Barny, Jacob, 56. 

Barrett, James, 70. 

Bartholdi, sculptor, 343. 

Baxter, "Baptized in Bloud," 111. 

Beckley, J. T., associate pastor, 337. 

Beecher, Lyman, 327. 

Bellingham, Governor, 78, 110. 

Bellingham, Baptists at, 238. 

Benevolences, organized, 331. 

Bequests, list of, 370. 

Bill of Rights, adopted by Massachu- 
setts, 330. 

Billerica: mentioned, 60; Baptists in, 
100, 129. 

Bolles, Lucius, 294. 

Bovvers, Benanuel, 70, 84, 100, 108 seq. 

Bound, Ephraim, ordained, 242. 

Bound, James, protest, 240. 

Brattle Square Church, 341. 

Brimfield, Baptists at, 240. 

Broaddus, Andrew, 305. 

Brooks, Timothy, 129. 

Brown, Avis, gift of widows' fund by, 
275. 

Brown University, charter of, 254. 

Brown, S. N., 341. 

Bunker, Jonathan, 84. 

Byles, Josias, deacon, 204. 



Callender, Ellis: mentioned, 57, 13(3 ; 
pastor, 195. 

Callender, Elisha: ordained, 201; re- 
fused appointment as overseer of 
Harvard, 207 ; visits Springfield, 215; 
death of, 226. 

Callender, John, pastor in Newport. 
212, 221, 228, 233, 239. 

Cambridge Jail, 104. 

Catechism, 283. 

Charlestown : discipline by First 
Church, 34 ; constable's warrants, 
70; Baptist church established, 286. 

Chauncy, Charles, 61. 

Churchwood, Humphrey, 179. 

Clarke, John, 14-17, 59, 62, 93. 

Clay, Joseph: called, 298-302; death 
of, 304. 

Clerks, list of church, 372. 

Cobbett, Thomas, 77, 173. 

Cole, Isaac, 129. 

Colman, Benjamin, 220. 

Comer, John, 212. 

Committee, standing, 250. 

Condy, Jeremiah: called, 233; re- 
signed, 243. 

Confession of Faith, 65, 348. 

Convention, Federalist, 277. 

Cotton, John. 18, 19. 36. 

Covenant, oldest church, 182. 

Crandall, John, 14. 

Crane, C. B. : called, 340; resigns, 344. 

Cushman, R. W., 338. 

Danforth, Samuel, 77. 

Deacons, list of, 368. 

Dexter, H. M., 19. 

Dingley, Richard, 192. 

Discipline, 270. 

Disputation, public in Boston, 78. 

Dissent, method of, 75. 

Dissenters, 87. 

Dover, N. H., Baptists in, 7-9. 



375 



37^ 



Drinker, Edward, 56, 68, 90-93, 121, 

154, 167, 187, 192. 
Drowne, Shern, deacon, 204. 
Dunster, Henry, 25-29, 33, 59. 

Earle, A. B., in revival, 336. 
Education Society formed, 279. 
Edwards, Morgan, 19. 
Eliot, John, 64. 
Elliott, Joseph, 310. 
Elm Hill Church, organized, 346. 
Emblem, John, pastor, 191 
Endicott, Governor, 16. 
Episcopalians: mentioned, 126, 131 ; 

in Boston, 184. 
Evans, P. S., 338. 

Farlow, Caleb, 129. 

Farlowe, George, 56, 100, 107, 123. 

Farnum, John, 56, 81, 88, 160, 188. 

Foreland. John, legacy, 220. 

Foskett, John, 70. 

Foster, Benjamin, baptized and or- 
dained, 267. 

Foster, Hopestill, 129. 

Foster, Thomas: mentioned, 57, 100. 
107, 129, 159 ; re-baptized, 60. 

Foster, Thomas P., 362. 

Foster, W. H., 373. 

Freeman, Philip, at Warren Associa- 
tion, 257. 

Gair, Thomas, ordained, 269. 

Galusha, Elon, 305, 310. 

George, John, 56, 58, 68. 

Goodall, Mary, 56. 

Goodall, Richard, 56. 

Goold, James, 70. 

Goold, Mary, 63. 

Goold, Thomas : mentioned. 29-36 : 
discipline of. 39-51 ; other mention 
of, 55, 56, 68, 70-99, 109, 122, 154. 

Grafton, Joseph, ordained, 274. 

Greenliefe, Enoch, 84, 100. 

Grosvenor, C. P., pastor, 321-328. 

Hague, William, pastor, 329, 330, 338. 
Hamlitt, William, 57, 100, 104, 107, 121. 
Hancock, John, 344. 
Harris, Jonathan, gift, 281. 
Haverhill, church founded in, 251. 
Higginson, John, 77. 



Hillar. Benjamin, deacon, 204. 

Hiscox, William, 78, 108, 121. 

Holden, Oliver, author of " Corona- 
tion," 279. 

Hollis, Thomas : gift to Harvard Col- 
lege. 206 : gift to church. 208-210. 

Holmes, Obadiah, 14-20, 33, 84. 

Hoare, John. 100. 

Howard, Nathaniel, 90. 

Howland, H. J., 361. 

Hoyt, Wayland, 339. 

Hubbard, Samuel, 78, 121. 

Hull, Isaac, pastor, 56, 132-134, 178, 189. 

Hull, Captain, diary of, 80, 107. 

Jackson, Andrew, President, 330. 
Jeffs, John, 129. 
Jenckes, Governor. 19. 
Johnson, John, 75, 90. 100, 102, 129. 
Johnson, Matthew, 129. 

Kendall, Francis, 129. 
King's Chapel, 185. 
Kittery, church at, 179 seq. 
Knapp, Jacob, in revival, 332. 
Knollys, Hansard, 7, 151. 

Lambert, Robert, 56, 88. 

Leethy, Robert, 70. 

Lecture, monthly, 236. 

Leverett, Governor, 110. 

Liberty, religious, 35, 63. 

Lighting, meeting-house, 264. 

Lord's Supper, 136. 

Lorimer, G. C, 339. 

Loring, James, elected clerk, 304, 312. 

316, 320. 
Lynn. Baptists in. 14. 

Manning, James, 254. 

Mansall, Thomas, 70. 

Marshfield, Baptists in, 221. 

Massachusetts State Convention, or- 
ganized. 292. 

Mather, Cotton, 28. 88, 196, 202. 

Mather, Increase, 36, 88. 125. 147. 148 
168, 185, 197, 202. 

Meeting-house : first, 136 ; nailed up. 
138-141 : enlarged, 211 ; law against 
building, 141 ; repaired, 251 ; new. 
261 ; dedicated, 265 ; used as bar- 
racks and hospital, 268; reopened. 



377 



269 : enlarged, 279 ; warming of, 293 ; 
third, 325; old, moved to South 
Boston, 326; fourth, 334; fifth, 338; 
sixth, 341 ; list of every, of the First 
Church, 369; Old North, 249; New 
Brick, offered, 262. 

Ministry, an educated, 170. 

Missionary Contribution, 347. 

Missionary Magazine, 292. 

Missionary Organization, 289. 

Mitchell, Jonathan, 36, 77,79. 

Money depreciated, 273. 

Moody, Lady, 8. 

Moulton, Ebenezer, ordained, 210. 

Moxom, P. S. : called, 345 ; resigns, 346. 

Murray, John, foundar of Universal- 
ism, 271. 

Music, 374. 

Myles, John, 13, 59, 124, 130. 

Myles, Samuel, rector of King's 
Chapel, 126. 

Neale, R. H. : called, 331 ; resigns, 339 . 

portrait, 340. 
Negro Baptists, 267. 
Nevers. Richard, 75. 
Newell, Mary, 56, 58, 70. 
Newberry, church at, 58, 178. 
Newport Church, vi., 8, 99, 108, 212. 
Newton Church, 274. 
Newton Theological Institution. 

founded, 317. 
Noddles' Island, 64. 70. 89, 96, 121. 
Nott, Eliphalet, 312. 
Nuell, Jonathan, 90. 

Old South Church : mentioned, 184 ; 
revived, 295; prayer meeting estab- 
lished. 296. 

Olney, Thomas, pastor in Providence. 
60, 154. 

Oppression, by standing order, 258, 
280. 

Osborne, Thomas, 40. 57, 68, 70, 84, 108, 
123, 129, 136. 

Painter, Thomas, 8. 

Parker, J. W., 339. 

Parsons, Edmund, founds " Refuge." 

308. 
Pastors, list of, 367. 
Paul, Thomas, ordained. 267. 297. 



Pearce, John, 129. 

Petition : from Roxbury and Dorches- 
ter, 12 ; for clemency to prisoners. 85. 
Pierce, Robert, 129. 
Plymouth, 12, 13, 60. 
Polly, George, 75. 
Poor, collection for, 206. 
Prayer meeting, established, 281. 
Proctor, John, protest of, 240. 
Proctor, Richard, deacon, 204. 
Providence Church, vi., 6. 
Pump, in meeting-house yard, 264. 

Ray nor, Stephen, 70. 

Revival, great, 295. 

Revolution, American, begun, 268. 

Roots, P. P., 281. 

Roxbury, First Church of record, 64, 

79. 
Russell, John, Jr. : mentioned, 56, 75, 

100 seq., 123, 129, 133 ; ordination, 132 ; 

narrative of, 149 seq. ; death of, 177. 
Russell. John, Sen., 57, 90, 94, 100 seq., 

123. 

Sailors, 260. 

Salem Church. 4, 15. 

Salem Street, 136. 

Scituate, church in, 28, 61. 

Screven, William, 179, 183, 195. 

Scriptures, reading, in church, 219. 

Sextons, 373. 

Shawmut Avenue Church, unites, 338. 

Shipley, Mrs. S. G., 336. 

Shrimpton, Henry, 70. 

Simpson, J. K., 330. 

Singing : in public worship, 218 seq. : 

lining out for, 243 ; of Watts' hymns. 

266 ; assisted by instruments. 307 ; 

Winchell's Watts used. 309, 374. 
Skinner, Thomas, 57, 132, 192. 
Slavery, African, 333. 
Smallpox, in Boston. 168. 
Smith, Hezekiah, 251. 
Smith, Matthew, 129. 
Sparhawk, bequests, 308. 
Springfield : work there, 213 ; church 

organized. 239. 

Spur, John. 9. 19. 

Squire, Philip, 136. 

Starbuck. Edward. 9. 

| Stillman Street, 142. 



378 



Stillman, Samuel : called, 244 ; salary, 
245 ; installed, 247 ; fellow of Brown, 
254 ; in Philadelphia, 268 ; annual 
sermon of, 272 ; forms education 
society, 279; forms missionary so- 
ciety, 289; death, 298. 

Stoddard, Solomon, 125. 

Stow, Baron, 320. 

Sullivan, John, 320. 

Sunday-school : organized, 306 ; his- 
tory of, 353 seq. ; missions, 358 ; pri- 
mary, 359 ; superintendent of, 362. 

Stuart, Moses, 311. 

Sutton : baptisms at, 217 ; formation 
of church at, 222, 223. 

Swansea : church in, vi., 13, 124, 132 ; 
aggrieved, 235. 

Sweetser, Benj.. 56, 86, 90, 99, 193. 

Taxation of Baptists, 224 seq. 
Thrumbes, John, 70. 
Torry, Joseph, 57. 

Turner, William, 92, 109, 56, 58, 68, 81, 
89, 127, 167. 

Universalists, offer meeting-house, 279. 



Upham, Edward, 217, 228. 

War, Civil, 333. 

•' Watchman," founded, 312. 

Wayland, Francis, Jr.: called, 310; 
editor, 316; professor, 318; resigns, 
319 ; portrait, 320. 

Whitfield, George, and New Lights 
movement, 237. 

Whiting, I. O., 341. 

Wickenden, William, 8. 

Willard, Samuel, 36, 106, 185. 

Williams, John, 109. 

Williams. Roger, 4, 60. 

Wilson, John, 123, 129. 

Wiman, Francis, 129. 

Winchell, J. M. : called, 305; dis- 
courses, 308; death, 309. 

Winslow, Gov., 10. 

Witter, William, 9, 14. 

Woburn, Baptists in, 100. 129. 

Women : in case of discipline, 272 ; 
benevolent work of, 363. 

Wood, John, 9. 

Wood, Nathan E., called, 346. 

Wright, Joseph, 129. 




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